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EMIGRATION  AND  IMMIGRATION 

A   STUDY   IN   SOCIAL   SCIENCE 


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EMIGRATION  AND  IMMIGRATION 


A    STUDY  IN  SOCIAL    SCIENCE 


BY 


RICHMOND  MAYO  SMITH,  A.M. 

Professor  of  Political  Economy  and  Social  Science  in  Columbia 
College,  Membre  de  l'Ixstitut  International  de  Statis- 
TiQUE,  Vice-President  of  the  American  Statisti- 
cal Association,  Etc. 


NEW   YORK 

CHARLES   SCRIBNER'S   SONS 

1890 


Copyright,  1890, 
By  CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS. 


Typography  by  J.  S.  Cushing  &  Co.,  Boston. 
Presswork  by  Berwick  &  Smith,  Boston. 


f))if54^ 


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CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER   I. 

Introduction:    The  Nature  of  the  Question  to  be  dis- 
cussed AND  OF  the  Phenomena  to  be  observed. 

PAGE 

Social  problems  change  from  age  to  age i 

The  fundamental  political  questions  have  reached  a  solu- 
tion   I 

While  the  economic  and  social-ethical  are  more  prominent 

than  ever 2 

The  purpose  and  end  of  social  organization 3 

From  this  standpoint  we  must  decide  all  social  questions    .  3 

The  importance  of  immigration  is  in  its  effect  on  civilization,  4 

Characteristics  of  American  civilization 5 

Effect  of  immigration  on  our  political  institutions      ...  6 

On  our  social  morality 7 

On  our  economic  well-being  and  social  traits 8 

Difficulties  of  social  science 8 

Immigration  is  a  very  complex  phenoiuenou 9 

Method  of  investigation  in  such  a  question  as  immigration  .  10 

V 


vi  Contents. 

CHAPTER  II. 
The  History  of  Emigration. 

PAGE 

Early  migrations  were  either  for  conquest  or  colonization   .  12 
Colonial  expansion  changed  the  whole  aspect  of  the  world  .  13 
Emigration  dilTers  from  colonization  and  is  a  modern  move- 
ment      15 

The  statistics  of  emigration  are  not  very  satisfactory      .     .  15 
The  history  of  the  movement,  especially  from  Great  Britain 

and  Germany 17 

Emigration  from  all  European  countries,  1887  and  1888      .  19 

Eifect  of  emigration  on  population 21 

Comparison  of  emigration  with  the  excess  of  births  over 

deaths 23 

It  is  not  a  remedy  for  the  evils  of  over-population      ...  24 
Why  European  governments  look  with  disfavor  on  voluntary 

emigration 27 

Causes  of  emigration  are  mainly  economic 30 


CHAPTER   III. 

The  History  of  Immigration. 

Influence  of  immigration  is  more  important  than  that  of 

emigration 33 

It  is  the  life  history  of  countries  of  the  New  World  ...  33 
In  one  sense  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  are 

immigrants  or  their  descendants 35 

Distinction  between  colonists  and  immigrants 35 

Population  during  the  colonial  period y] 

Very  little  immigration  during  the  period  from  1783  to  1820,  39 


Contents.  vii 

PAGE 

Since  1820  we  have  a  statistical  record  of  immigration  .     .  41 

Causes  of  immigration  in  past  years 43 

Modern  means  of  transportation  malvC  immigration  easy     .  45 

Influence  of  immigrants  sending  back  for  their  friends  .     .  48 

Sex,  age,  and  occupation  of  immigrants 50 


CHAPTER   IV. 

Immigration  and  Population. 

The  astonishing  growth  of  the  United  States   .....  53 

Due  to  three  causes  :  —  (i)  free  land  .     .......  56 

(2)  Railroads ;  and  (3)  immigration 57 

How  much  of  our  present  population  is  due  to  immigra- 
tion       58 

Its  influence  on  the  race  or  ethnic  composition  of  our  pop- 
ulation        62 

The  negro  and  the  foreigner 64 

Immigrants  according  to  nationality 67 

Persons    of    foreign    birth   and   of    foreign   parentage   by 

nationality 68 

The  distribution  of  the  foreigners 69 

The  foreign  born  flock  to  the  cities 71 

Certain  forces  tend  to  assimilate  these  foreign  elements  .     .  72 
(i)  Economic  prosperity;  and  (2)  the  exercise  of  political 


rights 


11 


(3)  The  dominance  of  the  English  speech 74 

(4)  Intermarriage  of  foreigners  with  natives  and  with  each 


other 


75 


The  theory  that  mixed  races  are  the  strongest  needs  correc- 
tion       'j'j 


viii  Contents. 

CHAPTER  V. 

The  Political  Effects  of  Immigration. 

PAGE 

Large  proportion  of  adults  gives  the  foreign  born  great 

voting  power 79 

Only  in  late  years  has  this  excited  any  jealousy  or  appre- 
hension       81 

Our  liberal  naturaiization  laws  require  merely  formal  tests  .  82 

Why  not  require  evidence  as  to  character  and  fitness?    .     .  84 

Recent  court  decisions  show  a  tendency  that  way      ...  85 

Bad  influence  of  the  foreign  vote  when  it  votes  in  a  body   .  86 

Our  degraded  municipal  administration  due  to  it  ...     .  87 

Outbreaks  of  anarchism  and  socialism  due  to  foreigners      .  88 

These  theories  strange  to  American  life 90 

Unrestricted  immigration  is  a  severe  strain  on  democratic 

institutions 91 

CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Economic  Gain  by  Immigration. 

Our   material   resources   have  been  developed   largely  by 

immigration 93 

Shown  by  the  number  of  foreign  born  in  different  occupa- 
tions       94 

The   economic  gain  by  immigration  consists   (i)   of  the 

amount  of  money  the  immigrants  bring 97 

This  is  oiTset  partly  by  remittances  home 99 

And  what  they  bring  is  less  than  the  average  wealth  here  .  loi 

(2)  The  value  of  the  immigrant  as  a  man 102 

Sometimes  measured  by  the  cost  of  bringing  him  up      .     .  104 

Sometimes  estimated  as  equal  to  the  value  of  a  slave     .     .  107 


Contents.  ix 


PAGE 


True  value  is  the  excess  of  future  wages  over  expenses 

(Dr.  Farr) 109 

But  the  immigrant  is  of  use  to  us  only  if  we  can  make  him 

useful 113 

Do  we  need  any  more  immigrants? 113 

Three-fourths   of  them   are  unskilled  laborers   (not   even 

farmers) 114 

Of  whom  we  have  already  a  great  supply 117 

Progress  of  civilization  demands  less  of  this  kind  of  labor  .  119 
And  it  tends  to  congest  in  large  cities  where  it  is  not 

needed 120 

There  is  already  a  host  of  the  unemployed  in  this  country  .  121 

Karl  Marx's  theory  of  the  industrial  proletariat     .     .     .     .  I2i 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Competition  with  American  Labor. 

Must  consider  not  only  gain  in  wealth  by  immigration,  but 

also  the  effect  on  American  labor 123 

(i)  Direct  competition  by  immigration  of  skilled  laborers 

is  not  great 125 

But  the  immigrants  learn  trades  after  their  arrival      .     .     .  126 

The  displacement  of  American  labor 127 

Relation  between  free  immigration  and  a  protective  taritit'    .  128 

(2)  The  importation  of  laborers  under  contract    ....  129 

(3)  Competition  with  immigrants  having  a  lower  standard 

of  living 131 

The  Italians,  French  Canadians,  Poles,  and  Hungarians     .  132 

The  revival  of  the  "  sweating  system  " 136 

This  competition  is  unfair  to  our  working  classes  .     .     .     .  138 

The  old  immobility  of  labor  is  broken  down 139 


X  Contents. 

And  the  American  laborer  is  subject  to  competition  from 

the  world iaq 

The  true  office  of  competition  is  to  spur  on  producers    .     .  141 

And  it  benefits  all  classes,  including  the  laborers  ....  142 

Evils  of  increased  cheapness  due  to  degradation  of  labor  .  143 

The  French  Canadians  and  the  Scandinavians       ....  144 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Social  Effects  of  Immigration. 

Other  sides  of  civilization  besides  political  freedom  and 

economic  prosperity 147 

Difficulty  of  measuring  the  social  effects  of  immigration     .     148 
Natural  to  expect  high  rates  of  mortality,  vice,  crime,  etc., 
among  immigrants,  because  they  belong  to  the  lower 


classes 


150 


Large  proportion  of  adults  has  the  same  effect      .     .     .     .  152 

Our  mortality  and  morbidity  statistics  are  not  satisfactory  .  153 

The  amount  of  insanity  due  to  immigration 153 

The  blind,  deaf  and  dumb,  crippled,  diseased,  etc.    .     .     .  155 

The  prisoners  and  convicts  of  foreign  origin 157 

The  paupers  and  homeless  children 158 

Immigration  the  prevailing  cause  of  illiteracy  in  the  United 

States 161 

Influence  of  immigration  on  general  social  traits  .     .     .     ,  166 


CHAPTER   IX. 

Assisted  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

Emigration  in  former  times  viewed  with  dislike     ....     168 
Encouraged  for  the  sake  of  the  colonies i6q 


Cojitcnts.  xiii 


PAGE 


Brutal  treatment  of  Chinese  in  America 257 

Negotiations  for  a  prohibitory  treat}- ;  their  failure     .     .     .  259 

The  prohibitory  act  of  1888 262 

The  Chinese  question  in  the  British  colonies 263 

True  grounds  for  the  exclusion  of  the  Chinese      ....  265 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Restrictions  on  Immigration. 

The  right  of  immigration  is  not  perfect 266 

States  often  exercise  the  right  to  expel  aliens 267 

Police  regulations  in  regard  to  residence  of  strangers     .     .  268 
The  new  French  decree  requiring  the  registration  of  for- 
eigners       270 

Alien  beggars  and  vagabonds  commonly  sent  back    .     .     .  272 
The  legislation   of  the  United   States   restricting  pauper 

immigration 273 

The  act  against  the  importation  of  contract  labor      .     .     .  276 

The  control  of  immigration  a  necessity 277 

Absolute  prohibition  of  immigration  not  desirable     .     .     .  279 

But  the  present  laws  should  be  strictly  enforced    ....  280 

The  plan  of  consular  certificates 281 

CHAPTER   XIII. 

The  Question  of  Principle. 

Freedom   of  migration  from   the   standpoint   of  political 

science 284 

All  mediaeval  life  denied  any  such  freedom 285 

Expansion  of  industry  and  commerce  destroyed  the  old 

restrictions 287 


xiv  Contents. 


PAGE 


French  philosophy  estabHshed  the  principles   of  freedom 

and  equality 288 

Enormous   benefit  of  the  doctrine  of  the  brotherhood  of 

man 289 

Immigration  is  a  privilege  granted  by  the  state      ....  290 

Sometimes  held  to  be  a  duty  to  admit  strangers    .     .     .     .  291 

The  principle  not  always  applicable 292 

The  notion  that  America  is  an  "  asylum  for  the  oppressed,"  293 

Error  in  reasoning  from  the  past  experience  of  a  country     .  294 

This  country  no  longer  offers  the  advantages  it  once  did     .  295 

The  control  of  migration  by  positive  law 295 

Seen  in  the  present  tendency  of  legislation 296 

The  principles  of  international  law  in  the  case      ....  297 

Revival  of  the  doctrine  of  permanent  allegiance   ....  299 

The  sovereignty  of  a  state  over  its  own  territory  ....  300 

A  state  should  take  care  of  its  own  unfortunates   ....  301 
And  this  is  the  higher  ideal  of  international  comity  and  of 

humanity 301 

Bibliography 303 

Index 309 


EMIGRATION  AND  IMMIGRATION. 


CHAPTER   I. 

INTRODUCTION  :     THE    NATURE    OF    THE     QUESTION    TO 

BE    DISCUSSED    AND    OF    THE    PHENOMENA 

TO    BE    OBSERVED. 

Social  problems  change  from  age  to  age.  The 
position  of  a  nation,  its  external  history,  its  inner 
development,  the  new  demands  made  upon  it  by  the 
Zeit-Gcist, — all  these  things  cause  first  one  set  of 
questions  to  be  presented  and  then  another.  The 
earliest  problems  forced  on  the  peoples  of  Europe 
by  the  evolution  of  history  were  political.  The 
German  tribes,  as  they  emerged  from  the  primeval 
forest  and  overwhelmed  Roman  civilization,  began 
the  great  work  of  establishing  a  state-form  and  de- 
fining the  limitations  of  nationalities.  The  strug- 
gles of  the  eleventh  century  and  the  subsequent 
period  of  the  Reformation  determined  the  rival 
spheres  of  church  and  state.  The  absolute  monar- 
chy destroyed  the  feudal  system  as  a  political  in- 
stitution and  developed  powerful  nations  in  the 
place   of    petty   local    principalities.       The    French 


2  Emigration  and  Imiiiigration. 

revolution  overthrew  privileged  classes  and  accent- 
uated the  right  of  the  individual  man  to  liberty  and 
safety.  Finally,  the  establishment  of  the  represent- 
ative system  all  over  Europe  has  given  to  the  com- 
munity the  opportunity  to  use  legislative  power  for 
the  good  of  the  whole  in  distinction  from  that  of  a 
class.  Thereby  the  fundamental  problems  of  state- 
life  have  been  solved,  at  any  rate  for  the  time 
being.  Political  questions  are  now  matters  of  detail : 
the  machinery  of  government  is  so  to  be  organized 
as  to  carry  out  the  will  of  the  community.  The 
legal  and  political  rights  of  the  individual  members 
of  the  community  have  been  determined  and  are 
no  longer  matter  of  dispute. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  general  economic  and 
social  problems  are  more  pressing  than  ever.  The 
distribution  of  wealth  and  well-being,  the  relative 
opportunity  for  attaining  the  desirable  positions  and 
the  desirable  things  of  Ufe,  the  chances  of  success, 
the  duties  of  man  to  man  and  of  social  classes  to 
each  other,  —  all  these  questions  are  more  prominent 
than  ever.  The  individual  is  making  demands  for 
himself  whose  satisfaction  requires  the  intervention 
of  the  community.  He  intones  a  cry  of  distress  that 
is  an  impeachment  of  the  social  organization.  He 
talks  about  his  "  rights "  as  if  society  were  there 
simply  to  look  out  for  him.  It  is  the  era  of  indi- 
vidualistic demands  for  socialistic  action  of  the  state; 


Introduction.  3 

but  the  socialistic  scheme  is  no  longer  altruistic 
nor  Utopian,  but  highly  personal  and  practical. 

In  this  condition  of  things,  it  is  highly  interesting 
and  important  to  determine  exactly  what  the  state 
can  do  for  the  individual,  and  what  the  individual 
may  justly  expect  from  the  state.  This  is  not 
merely  the  old  question  of  the  "interference"  of 
the  state,  as  the  economists  used  to  define  all  gov- 
ernmental action,  even  that  of  taxation  ;  neither  is 
it  merely  the  question  of  determining  the  "  sphere 
of  state  action,"  as  the  newer  economists  and  polit- 
ical philosophers  would  phrase  it.  It  is  rather  the 
investigation  of  the  fundamental  purpose  of  social 
organization  and  state  life.  Has  society  an  ideal, 
towards  which  it  is  struggling  and  which  it  desires 
to  reach  .-'  Are  social  traditions  to  be  preserved  and 
present  institutions  developed  and  expanded  until 
they  are  fitted  to  contain  that  national  life  to  which 
patriotism  aspires .-'  Have  we  ethical  ideals  which 
we  should  like  to  see  approaching  fulfilment,  and 
whose  fulfilment  would  satisfy  us  as  an  advance  in 
civilization .'' 

It  is  from  this  standpoint  that  we  are  to  test  and 
decide  the  social  questions  that  present  themselves 
at  the  present  time.     The  demand  which  is   made, 

—  is  it  consistent  with  our  ideal  of  social  progress } 
The  influence  which  is  to  be  allowed  or  discouraged, 

—  does  it  make  for  the  social  end }     What  is  our 


4  Emigration  and  Immigration. , 

duty  to  the  poor?  What  is  our  obligation  to  the 
laboring  classes  when  competition  threatens  to  ruin 
them  ?  Why  should  the  state  interfere  to  check 
the   free  action  of  industrial  forces  ? 

It  is  from  this  standpoint  that  the  phenomena  of 
emigration  and  immigration  become  of  lively  concern 
to  the  communities  which  they  affect.  It  is  not  the 
migration  of  a  few  thousand  or  even  million  human 
beings  from  one  part  of  the  world  to  another,  nor 
their  good  or  bad  fortune  that  is  of  interest  to  us. 
We  are  concerned  with  the  effect  of  such  a  move- 
ment on  the  community  at  large  and  its  growth  in 
civilization.  Immigration,  for  instance,  means  the 
constant  infusion  of  new  blood  into  the  American 
commonwealth,  and  the  question  is :  What  effect 
will  this  new  blood  have  upon  the  character  of  the 
community .'' 

In  order  to  answer  this  question  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  consider  for  a  moment  the  characteristics  of 
our  civilization  which  give  it  strength  and  worth. 
We  can  then  appreciate  the  influence  immigration 
has  had  upon  these  characteristics,  and  estimate  the 
final  effect  of  its  continuance  on  the  present  scale. 
It  will  be  necessary  to  notice  the  influence  of  immi- 
gration on  the  growth  of  population,  and  to  follow 
the  ethnic  changes  which  are  being  wrought  thereby. 
Equally  important  is  it  to  observe  the  effect  of  im- 
migration  on   the  economic  condition  of  the  labor- 


Introduction.  5 

ing  classes  in  this  country,  —  whether  it  is  made 
better  or  worse.  In  the  same  way  it  is  advisable  to 
study  the  influence  of  the  new-comers  on  the  ethical 
consciousness  of  the  community,  —  whether  there 
is  a  gain  or  a  loss  to  us.  In  short,  we  must  set 
up  our  standard  of  what  we  desire  this  nation  to 
be,  and  then  consider  whether  the  policy  we  have 
hitherto  pursued  in  regard  to  immigration  is  calcu- 
lated  to  maintain  that   standard  or  to  endanger  it. 

Edmund  Burke  once  said :  "  To  make  us  love  our 
country,  our  country  ought  to  be  lovely."  In  order 
that  we  may  take  a  pride  in  our  nationality  and  be 
willing  to  make  sacrifices  for  our  country,  it  is 
necessary  that  it  should  satisfy  in  some  measure 
our  ideal  of  what  a  nation  ought  to  be.  If  there  is 
to  be  patriotism,  it  must  be  a  matter  of  pride  to  say, 
Americamis  sinn. 

What  now  are  the  characteristics  of  American  state 
and  social  life  which  we  desire  to  see  preserved  ? 
Among  the  most  obvious  are  the  following  ;  — 

(i)  The  free  political  constitution  and  the  ability 
to  govern  ourselves  in  the  ordinary  affairs  of  life, 
which  we  have  inherited  from  England  and  so  sur- 
prisingly developed  in  our  own  history ; 

(2)  The  social  morality  of  the  Puritan  settlers  of 
New  England,  which  the  spirit  of  equality  and  the 
absence  of  privileged  classes  have  enabled  us  to 
maintain ; 


6  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

(3)  The  economic  well-being  of  the  mass  of  the 
community,  which  affords  our  working  classes  a 
degree  of  comfort  distinguishing  them  sharply  from 
the  artisans  and  peasants  of  Europe ; 

(4)  Certain  social  habits  which  are  distinctively 
American  or  at  least  present  in  greater  degree  among 
our  people  than  elsewhere  in  the  world.  Such  are 
love  of  law  and  order,  ready  acquiescence  in  the  will 
of  the  majority,  a  generally  humane  spirit  display- 
ing itself  in  respect  for  women  and  care  for  children 
and  helpless  persons,  a  willingness  to  help  others,  a 
sense  of  humor,  a  good  nature  and  a  kindly  manner, 
a  national  patriotism  and  confidence  in  the  future 
of  the  country. 

All  these  are  desirable  traits  ;  and  as  we  look  for- 
ward to  the  future  of  our  commonwealth  we  should 
wish  to  see  them  preserved,  and  should  deprecate 
influences  tending  to  destroy  the  conditions  under 
which  they  exist.  Any  such  phenomenon  as  immi- 
gration, exerting  wide  and  lasting  influence,  should 
be  examined  with  great  care  to  see  what  its  effect  on 
these  things  will  be. 

The  continued  addition  to  our  electorate  of  hun- 
dreds of  thousands  of  persons  who  have  had  no  train- 
ing in  self-government,  who  have  other  and  quite 
different  traditions  of  state  action,  —  will  this  not  tend 
to  weaken  our  political  capacity  and  self-reliance } 
Will  it  not  also  affect  the  adjustment  of  our  institu- 


Introduction.  7 

tions  to  our  people, — an  adjustment  which  is  so 
necessary  if  the  institutions  are  to  work  successfully  ? 
If  the  new  bearers  of  our  political  life  have  neither 
the  aspirations  which  our  ancestors  cherished  nor 
the  experience  which  wc  have  inherited,  —  will  not 
the  homogeneousness  of  our  social  organization  be 
seriously  imperilled  ?  A  free  ballot  which  was  safe 
in  the  hands  of  an  intelligent  and  self-respecting  de- 
mocracy, is  no  longer  safe  in  those  of  an  ignorant 
and  degraded  proletariat. 

A  code  of  morality  which  depended  for  its  life  and 
strength  on  a  religious  system  thoroughly  believed  in 
must  be  undermined  when  other  systems  of  thought 
are  suddenly  introduced  not  furnishing  the  same 
basis.  The  commands  of  morality  are  absolute  and 
must  have  the  sanction  of  perfect  faith  in  order  to  be 
effective.  To  destroy  the  credibility  of  the  sanction, 
without  putting  anything  in  its  place,  must  for  the 
time  being  be  destructive  of  ethical  action.  How- 
ever narrow  the  religious  system,  and  however  much 
it  may  need  expanding  and  liberalizing,  the  develop- 
ment should  come  from  within  and  not  through 
destructive  forces  working  from  without.  German 
scepticism,  for  instance,  may  be  a  natural  product  of 
German  life  and  may  furnish  its  own  basis  for  ethical 
rules  of  conduct ;  but  if  it  is  not  also  a  natural  devel- 
opment of  American  ideas,  it  must  work  as  a  foreign 
substance  in  the  organism  of  our  national  life. 


8  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

Economic  well-being  is  a  difficult  thing  for  a  nation 
to  acquire,  and  once  acquired  is  too  precious  to  give 
up  without  a  struggle.  Once  lost  it  may  require 
generations  to  attain  again,  even  if  the  economic 
conditions  are  favorable.  The  standard  of  living  in 
this  country  should  be  jealously  guarded,  so  that  our 
working  classes  should  not  either  consciously  or  un- 
consciously lose  it.  It  may  be  lowered  in  either  of 
two  ways.  Excessive  immigration  may  overstock  the 
labor  market  and  reduce  wages ;  or  immigrants  accus- 
tomed to  fewer  of  the  comforts  of  life  may  supplant 
the  native  workmen.  In  either  case  we  have  brought 
undue  pressure  to  bear  on  the  mass  of  the  people 
and  have  forced  them  down  to  a  lower  level.  We 
have  substituted  the  lower  for  the  higher,  and  pre- 
ferred that  which  is  inferior. 

The  change  in  social  ideals  wrought  by  the  infiltra- 
tion of  peoples  having  different  customs  and  habits 
of  life  can  be  detected  only  as  these  elements  gradu- 
ally become  dominant  and  as  we  see  the  decay  of 
habitudes  which  we  had  valued.  We  then  exclaim 
against  the  degeneracy  of  the  times,  forgetting  that 
we  ourselves  have  admitted  the  elements  which  have 
superseded  the  old. 

The  problems  of  social  science  are  very  complex. 

The  manifestations  of  social  life  are  so  interwoven 

that  it  is  difficult  to  trace  the  connection  between 

^them.     Even  where  one  influence  can  be  disentangled 


Introduction.  9 

from  others,  it  is  almost  impossible  to  measure  its 
exact  effect.  The  result  may  be  neither  direct  nor 
immediate.  It  may  manifest  itself  only  through  sec- 
ondary phenomena  or  after  the  lapse  of  some  years. 
It  is  impossible  to  reach  exact  conclusions,  however 
sure  we  may  be  that  the  conclusions  are  certain. 
The  very  characteristics  of  a  science,  the  exact  classi- 
fication and  the  power  to  predict  results,  may  often 
be  painfully  lacking. 

In  no  department  of  social  science  is  this  more 
true  than  in  the  entire  range  of  questions  pertaining 
to  population.  We  readily  perceive  that  one  popu- 
lation differs  from  another,  and  we  are  able  in  a 
very  general  way  to  characterize  the  difference.  We 
can  often  see  that  national  traits  are  changing  with 
the  passage  of  time,  and  we  can  indicate  in  a  gen- 
eral way  the  direction  of  the  evolution.  But  to 
define  the  difference  precisely,  or  to  specify  the 
exact  cause  of  the  change,  is  beyond  our  power. 

So  it  is  with  immigration.  It  is  a  very  complex 
phenomenon.  The  quantity  of  immigration  varies 
from  year  to  year.  Still  more  does  the  proportionate 
quantity  vary,  i.e.,  the  number  of  immigrants  com- 
pared with  the  number  of  the  population  receiving 
them.  The  quality  of  the  immigration  does  not 
remain  the  same ;  and  the  conditions  of  industrial 
and  social  life,  whereby  a  country  is  able  or  not 
able  to  assimilate  the  foreign  material,  are  not  easy 


lo  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

to  determine.  Many  of  these  things  depend  upon 
relations  which  cannot  be  measured  and  which  can 
only,  so  to  speak,  be  felt.  We  feel  instinctively  that 
such  and  such  elements  are  incompatible  with  our 
social  life,  but  we  are  not  able  to  produce  the  tech- 
nical proof.  We  are  morally  certain,  but  we  cannot 
make  the  evidence  scientifically  complete.  In  a  few 
years  the  new  elements  become  inextricably  inter- 
mingled with  the  old,  and  it  is  impossible  to  trace  any 
national  characteristic  to  either  alone.  There  is 
constant  reflex  action,  and  the  native  modifies  the 
foreign  as  much  as  the  latter  does  the  former. 
Finally,  it  may  be  only  national  prejudice  that  is 
struck  by  the  change  which,  in  the  long  run,  may 
be  desirable  and  not  hurtful. 

When  we  undertake,  therefore,  to  investigate  the 
good  or  disastrous  effects  of  immigration  on  a  large 
scale,  only  general  results  can  be  expected.  As  so 
often  in  social  science,  the  method  is  somewhat  in- 
direct. Cause  and  effect  cannot  be  precisely  deter- 
mined. It  is  only  possible  to  say  that  such  and 
such  forces  tend  to  produce  such  and  such  results. 
In  the  present  study  we  must  collect  the  facts  and 
carefully  observe  the  following  points :  We  must 
measure  the  intensity  of  the  immigration ;  for  it  is 
to  be  supposed  that  when  it  becomes  very  large, 
absolutely  or  relatively  to  the  number  of  persons  of 
native    descent,    some    marked    effects    will    follow. 


Introduction.  1 1 

We  are  to  observe  the  quality  of  the  immigration ; 
for  it  is  to  be  supposed  that  the  more  ahen  the 
immigrants  to  our  blood  and  mode  of  life,  the  more 
difficult  the  process  of  assimilation  will  be,  and  the 
greater  the  friction  and  interruption  to  a  simple  and 
harmonious  development.  The  character  of  the  at- 
tractive force  drawing  the  immigrants  is  of  impor- 
tance ;  for,  obviously,  where  the  force  is  an  ignoble 
one  the  result  will  not  be  so  desirable  as  where  it 
is  purifying  or  energizing.  We  must  determine 
whether  the  difficulties  of  migration  put  in  any  way  a 
test  on  the  character  of  the  immigrant,  so  that  a  pro- 
cess of  natural  selection  is  instituted  whereby  the 
desirable  elements  push  through  and  the  undesirable 
ones  are  left  behind.  Finally,  we  must  study  the  in- 
direct evidence  of  the  influence  of  immigration  in  the 
statistics  of  the  participation  of  the  foreign  born  in 
vice,  crime,  illiteracy  and  other  disastrous  social  phe- 
nomena. It  is  only  by  a  combination  of  all  these 
elements  that  we  can  reach  a  judgment  of  the  effect 
of  such  a  movement  on  the  well-being  of  the  com- 
munity in  which  we  are  interested.  It  will  be  im- 
possible to  separate  strictly  the  good  from  the  bad, 
but  we  can  attain  results  of  sufficient  precision  to 
guide  us  in  state  action. 


CHAPTER   II. 

THE    HISTORY    OF    EMIGRATION. 

Emigration  and  immigration,  as  we  understand 
them,  are  phenomena  of  modern  life.  Of  course, 
from  the  beginning  of  human  history  there  have 
been  migrations  of  men.  In  early  times  these  con- 
sisted of  movements  of  whole  tribes  in  a  career 
of  conquest  and  differed  radically  from  emigration 
which  is  a  movement  of  individuals.  A  second  sort 
of  migration  began  with  the  discovery  of  America 
and  of  the  new  route  to  India  around  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope  and  may  be  called  colonization.^  The 
newly  discovered  countries  were  utilized  at  first 
merely  for  the  purpose  of  booty  and  afterwards  for 
the  establishment  of  trading  posts  or  factories. 

Considerable  numbers  of  Europeans  went  out  to 
these  colonies  as  officials  and  soldiers,  or  as  bankers, 
merchants  and  planters.  The  natives  furnished  the 
labor  which  was  either  slave  or  free, — generally  the 
former,  —  and  thus  we  have  the  peculiar  colonial  con- 
ditions as  exhibited  in  the  coffee-growing  colonies  of 

1  See  Roscher  and  Jannasch,  Kolonien,  Kolonialpolitik  und  Aus- 
wanderung.  3d  Ed.  Leipzig,  1885.  Leroy-Beaulieu,  De  la  Colonisa- 
tion chez  Ics  peuplcs  modernes.     2d  Ed.,  Paris,  1881. 


TJie  History  of  E))iigration.  13 

the  East  Indies,  the  sugar-growing  colonies  of  the 
West  Indies,  and  on  a  large  scale  in  the  great  impe- 
rial possession  of  India.  The  value  of  these  colonies 
was  almost  entirely  commercial.  The  planters  re- 
ceived their  capital  and  supplies  from  the  home 
country  and  naturally  disposed  of  their  products 
and  made  their  purchases  there.  The  official  posts 
furnished  lucrative  places  for  the  younger  sons  of 
the  nobility  or  the  governing  classes,  but  the  colony 
was  no  real  outlet  for  surplus  population. 

A  second  class  of  colonies  differed  radically  from 
these.  They  were  the  agricultural  colonies  or  plan- 
tations where  people  came  for  the  purpose  of  settling 
and  cultivating  the  soil.  These  persons  expatriated 
themselves  with  the  intention  of  making  their  per- 
manent home  in  the  new  country.  They  did  not 
intend  merely  to  trade  with  the  natives  or  to  super- 
intend  servile  labor,  but  to  build  up  a  community 
which  should  be  self-supporting  and  which  should 
after  a  while  enjoy  the  same  civilization  as  the 
mother  country.  At  the  same  time  they  did  not 
separate  themselves  from  the  parent,  but  continued 
under  its  political  control  and  with  the  most  friendly 
and  loyal  feelings  towards  it.  They  were  still  Eng- 
lishmen, or  Frenchmen,  or  Dutch  just  as  they  had 
been  at  home. 

It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  colonial  expan- 
sion of  the  seventeenth  and  the  eighteenth  century 


14  Emigration  and  Ininiigration. 

changed  the  whole  aspect  of  the  world.  We  can 
scarcely  picture  to  ourselves  the  limitations  of  medi- 
Eeval  life  confined  within  the  bounds  of  Western 
Europe.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  the  narrow  rela- 
tions, the  limited  resources,  the  petty  struggles  of 
the  nations  of  that  day.  The  extension  of  colonies 
established  the  world  commerce  and  brought  the  prod- 
ucts of  the  whole  earth  to  the  inhabitants  of  Europe ; 
it  magnified  the  scale  of  things  tenfold.^ 

Even  when  the  colonies  in  America  rebelled 
against  England  and  Spain  and  established  them- 
selves as  independent  nations,  the  results  were  not 
lost.  The  trade  still  remained,  and  also  the  lan- 
guage, customs  and  habits  of  life.  The  civilization 
of  the  new  world  was  simply  a  new  European  civil- 
ization and  the  expansion  of  Europe  still  went  on. 
It  is  true  that  it  was  no  longer  an  expansion  of  par- 
ticular nations.  The  wanderers  from  Europe,  if  they 
went  to  the  United  States  or  to  South  America,  gave 
up  their  home  connection.  But  they  still  went  prin- 
cipally to  a  country  where  either  their  language  was 
spoken  or  the  people  were  of  a  kindred  race.  The 
causes  which  had  driven  the  original  colonists  from 


1  Roscher  points  out  how  colonization  has  changed  the  relative 
position  of  nationalities.  It  has  made  the  English  race  and  speech 
dominant  in  the  world.  The  painful  effort  of  the  Germans  to  find 
unoccupied  places  for  colonies  so  that  Germany  may  become  a  "  world- 
empire  "  is  evidence  of  the  same  thing. 


The  History  of  Emigration.  15 

their  home  were  often  religious  or  political  persecu- 
tions. Such  refugees  can  still  find  a  welcome  in 
the  United  States  where  they  have  liberty  of  religion 
and  protection  against  political  punishment.  In  these 
cases,  however,  the  movement  is  no*  longer  a  national 
but  a  private  one.  The  state  which  sends  out  its 
citizens  is  no  longer  transplanting  them  to  another 
part  of  its  own  dominion,  but  is  giving  them  up  to 
a  foreign  nation.  The  migrations  of  the  nineteenth 
century  are  not  colonization,  but  emigration. 

This  new  movement  is  peculiar  to  the  nineteenth 
century  and  has  grown  in  intensity  until  it  has  be- 
come an  important  phenomenon  of  social  life.  It 
is  worth  our  while  to  study  carefully  its  progress, 
its  causes  and  the  effects  which  have  followed  in  its 
train.  It  is  not  to  be  judged  by  the  previous  migra- 
tory efforts  of  the  world,  but  should  be  considered  on 
its  own  basis  and  with  respect  to  its  own  influence 
on  the  civilization  of  modern  Europe.  Analogy  of 
names  should  not  confuse  our  perception  of  real 
differences  in  influence.  Neither  are  we  blindly  to 
follow  principles  laid  down  at  a  time  when  the  rela- 
tions were  of  an  entirely  different  kind. 

The  statistics  of  emigration  are  not  very  satisfac- 
tory. We  have  three  sources  of  information.  The 
first  is  the  permits  which  formerly  were  universally 
required  and  are  to-day  in  many  states  in  order  that 
a  man  may  leave  his  country.     The  number  of  these 


i6  Emigration  mid  Immigration. 

permits  never  represents  the  real  emigration  because 
modern  means  of  transportation  are  so  extensive  that 
it  is  easy  to  get  beyond  the  frontier  without  them. 

Then  we  have  statistics  of  the  departures  from 
the  principal  ports.  Those  of  Great  Britain  are  the 
most  complete  in  this  respect  because  her  frontier 
is  entirely  water.  For  Germany  we  have  statistics 
of  the  departures  by  way  of  Hamburg,  Bremen, 
Stettin  and  Antwerp,  which  represent  the  greater 
part  of  the  German  movement,  but  not  the  whole. 
Finally,  we  have  the  statistics  of  arrivals  in  new 
countries  such  as  the  United  States,  Australia,  etc. 
By  a  combination  of  these  last  two  bodies  of  figures 
(departures  and  arrivals)  we  can  calculate  approxi- 
mately the  strength  of  the  migratory  movement  from 
year  to  year,  and  from  each  country. 

These  statistics  do  not  reach  back  very  far.  The 
United  States  began  to  collect  them  in  1820.  Most 
of  the  countries  of  Europe  do  not  give  us  reliable 
statistics  till  a  much  later  date.  We  know  enough 
however  to  get  a  general  picture  of  the  movement 
from  decade  to  decade  and  even  from  year  to  year. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  century  it  was  slight.  Al- 
most the  only  emigrants  were  from  Great  Britain  and 
a  few  from  Germany.  The  difficulties  of  travel  were 
so  great  and  the  knowledge  of  new  countries  was 
so  vague  that  very  few  persons  in  the  more  back- 


TJic  History  of  Emigratioji.  17 

ward  and  less  maritime   countries  had  the   courage 
to  attempt   the   long   and  arduous  journey. 

From  Great  Britain  the  number  of  emigrants  for 
the  year  181 5  was  only  2,081.  The  next  year  it  rose 
to  12,510,  in  181 7  to  20,634,  in  18 18  to  2'/,'j^y  and 
in  1 8 19  to  34,787.  These  were  dark  years  in  Eng- 
land and  it  is  not  surprising  that  some  of  the  surplus 
population  released  from  the  war,  in  poverty  and 
misery,  should  take  refuge  in  the  colonies  and  the 
United  States.  The  number  steadily  decreased  until 
1824  when  it  was  only  14,805.  The  commercial 
crisis  of  1826  seems  to  have  given  a  new  impulse  to 
the  movement,  and  in  1832  the  unusual  number  of 
103,140  was  reached.  During  the  next  years,  down  to 
1845,  the  emigration  averaged  about  75,000  annually. 
In  1846  the  Irish  famine  started  a  great  movement 
which  continued  until,  in  1852,  the  number  of  emi- 
grants was  368,764.  Down  to  this  time  the  statistics 
give  us  only  the  number  of  emigrants  leaving  the 
United  Kingdom  without  distinguishing  whether 
they  are  of  British  birth  or  not.  From  the  year  1853 
we  have  the  two  figures  kept  apart.  The  total  num- 
ber of  emigrants  of  British  and  Irish  .birth  that  year 
was  278,129.  Since  that  time  the  emigration  from 
Great  Britain  has  fluctuated  from  year  to  year,  but 
we  may  say  that  every  year  between  two  and  three 
hundred  thousand  British  subjects  are  accustomed 
to  leave  their  country  in  order  to  seek  homes  else- 


1 8  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

where.  The  greater  part  of  this  emigration  has 
always  been  to  the  United  States,  but  considerable 
streams  have  flowed  to  Canada  and  to  Australia.^ 

German  emigration  presents  very  much  the  same 
development  as  British  except  that  the  large  num- 
bers come  a  little  later.  From  1819  to  1829  the 
German  emigration  is  said  to  have  been  scarcely 
5,000  persons  per  annum.  From  1830  to  1843  it  is 
estimated  as  only  22,000  per  annum.  In  1847  it 
rose  to  110,434  and  in  1854  to  251,931  from  causes 
similar  to  those  that  had  led  to  the  increase  in  the 
British  emigration.^  Only  once  since  then  has  it 
approached  that  figure. 

Emigration  from  the  other  countries  of  Europe  is  a 
phenomenon  of  more  recent  date.  As  is  well  known, 
the  French  do  not  emigrate  in  large  numbers.  The 
Scandinavians  have  followed  most  closely  the  exam- 
ple of  their  kinsmen  in  Germany  and  England.  The 
Swedish  emigration  was  insignificant  in  numbers 
until  1867  when  for  the  first  time  it  amounted  to 
nearly  10,000.  In  1869  it  rose  to  39,064  and  then 
declined,  reviving  however  in  1879,  and  reaching  a 
maximum  of  50,178  in  1882.  The  Norwegian  emi- 
gration goes  back  further  than  the  Swedish,  but 
has   not  grown   so  rapidly  during  recent   years ;    it 

1  Complete  statistics  in  the  Italian  Report  on  Emigration,  lSS6. 

2  Roscher  and  Jannasch,  Kolonien,  Kolonialpolitik  und  Auswan- 
derung,  s.  330.     The  figures  include  all  emigrants  from  German  ports. 


The  History  of  Emigration.  19 

reached  a  maximum  in  1882  of  30,214.  The  Ital- 
ian emigration  numbered  nearly  20,000  in  1876, 
increased  suddenly  to  40,000  in  1879,  '^'^^  ^^^  since 
gone  on  increasing  till  in  1888  it  was  195,993.  This 
is  the  emigration  to  countries  outside  of  Europe 
which  the  Italians  call  "  permanent "  emigration  as 
distinct  from  "temporary"  emigration  (94,743  in 
1888)  to  neighboring  countries  with  the  intention  of 
returning.^ 

The  present  strength  of  the  emigration  movement 
may  be  seen  by  the  following  figures  of  emigration 
from  the  different  countries  of  Europe  during  the 
years  1887  and  1888. 

1887.  1888. 

Italy 127,748  195,993 

Austria 20,156  24,819 

Hungary 18,270  17,630 

Germany 99,712  98,515 

Great  Britain  and  Ireland  " 281,487  279,928 

Denmark 8,801  8,659 

Sweden 46,556 

Norway 20,741 

France      11,170  23,339 

Belgium 3,834  7,794 

Holland 5,018 

^  Bulletin  de  I'lnstitut  international  de  Statistique.  Tome  II.  2eme 
livraison,  p.  25.  Tome  III.  2eme  livraison,  p.  95.  Tome  IV.  p.  136. 
The  figures  for  1888  are  not  yet  complete. 

2  England,  1887,  168,221;  188S,  170,822.  Scotland,  1S87,  34,365; 
1888,35,873.     Ireland,  1887,  78,901;    1888,73,233. 


20  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

Switzerland 7i558                8,346 

Russia      . 29,355              38,747 

Spain 37,200 

Total 717,606 

It  thus  appears  that  in  one  year  over  700,000  peo- 
ple from  the  different  countries  of  Europe  left  them 
for  the  purpose  of  seeking  homes  elsewhere.  The 
real  number  was  probably  greater  than  that,  for  the 
enumeration  would  often  be  incomplete.  We  know 
from  the  statistics  of  the  United  States,  Canada, 
Australia  and  New  Zealand,  Argentine,  Uruguay 
and  Brazil  that  the  immigration  into  those  countries 
amounted  to  1,116,000  in  1887,  and  there  are  many 
other  countries  that  have  some  immigration.  There 
is  of  course  a  backward  current  of  immigration  into 
Europe ;  but  allowing  for  this,  it  is  safe  to  say  that 
in  1887  a  million  people  left  Europe  with  the  inten- 
tion of  never  returning.  Many  years  the  number 
has  been  greater. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  say  that  a  movement  on 
such  a  scale  as  this  must  have  important  conse- 
quences for  the  nations  of  Europe.  It  is  a  steady 
abstraction  of  a  fraction  of  their  population,  whether 
for  good  or  evil.  It  is  not  evenly  distributed,  but  is 
much  greater  in  some  countries  than  in  others.  It 
cannot  be  measured  solely  by  the  absolute  numbers, 
for  some  countries  have  a  large  population  and  can 
Stand  an   emigration  which  would    be  ruinous    to 


TJic  History  of  Emigration.  21 

others.  The  quahty  of  the  emigration  must  also  be 
taken  into  consideration,  for  the  loss  of  persons  from 
some  classes  in  society  is  much  easier  to  bear  than 
that  of  others.  We  must  therefore  carry  our  analy- 
sis a  little  further.  We  shall  do  this  very  briefly,  for 
the  same  facts  will  come  out  again  in  our  considera- 
tion of  the  character  of  the  immigration  into  this 
country. 

There  are  two  things  to  be  considered  in  the  ques- 
tion of  emigration  :  one  is  the  effect  on  population, 
and  the  other  is  the  effect  on  the  economic  condition 
of  the  country.  It  is  difficult  to  measure  either  with 
perfect  accuracy. 

Emigration  is  a  direct  drain  on  the  population  of  a 
country,  and  this  is  to  be  measured  by  the  proportion 
of  the  emigrants  to  the  total  number  of  inhabitants. 
Such  figures  we  have  in  a  very  simple  form.  For 
instance,  out  of  every  i,ooo  inhabitants  of  Italy  in 
1888  there  emigrated  ^.Z"]  \  of  France,  0.61;  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  7.46 ;  of  England  and 
Wales,  5.97;  of  Scotland,  8.88;  of  Ireland,  15.06; 
of  Germany,  2.10;  of  Switzerland,  2.85;  of  Swe- 
den (1887),  9.86;  of  Norway  (1887),  10.58;  of  Den- 
mark, 4.01.-^  This  gives  us  at  once  a  vivid  picture 
of  the  strength  of  the  migratory  tendency  in  the 
different  countries  of  Europe  without  regard  to  the 
absolute  numbers  from  each  country. 

1  Bulletin  de  Tlnstitut,  etc.     IV.  p.  190. 


22  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

We  can  carry  out  a  similar  comparison  for  differ^ 
ent  parts  of  the  same  country  ;  as  for  instance,  the 
emigration  from  Germany  as  a  whole  during  the 
year  1888  represented  a  proportion  of  only  2.10  per 
1,000  of  the  population  ;  but  for  Wiirtemberg  it  was 
3.23  ;  for  Prussia  it  was  2.22,  and  for  certain  parts 
of  Prussia  it  was,  Pomerania,  4.81,  and  Poscn,  7.24.^ 
We  can  also  study  the  strength  of  the  migratory 
movement  from  year  to  year  ;  as,  for  instance,  we 
know  that  in  Prussia  emigration  has  been  steadily 
working  its  way  eastward  from  the  Rhine  provinces 
to  the  Baltic.  In  Ireland,  the  counties  differ  in 
the  strength  of  this  disposition  to  emigrate.  In 
1886  the  average  emigration  of  natives  of  Ireland 
was  12.2  to  every  1,000  of  the  population  ;  but  the 
western  counties  were  all  above  this  average,  and  in 
the  following  order:  —  county  Clare,  20.3;  county 
Kerry,  20.2;  Leitrim,  19.4;  Galway,  16.  i;  and  Sligo, 
1 5. 1.  It  can  also  be  shown  by  statistics  that  while 
the  migratory  tendency  increased  in  Ireland  from 
1878  to  1883,  two  and  one-half  fold,  it  increased  in 
these  western  counties  from  three  to  seven  fold 
during  the  same  period.^  It  is  evident  that  we  have 
here  an  exact  statistical  method  of  measuring  the 
strength  of  the  emigration  tendency  in  different 
countries  and  at  different  times. 

1  Thid.  p.  146. 

2  Emigration  Statistics  for  Ireland,  1886. 


TJic  History  of  Ewignition.  23 

The  effect  on  population  can  best  be  measured  by 
comparing  the  figures  of  proportionate  emigration 
with  the  figures  of  the  increase  of  the  population  by 
excess  of  births  over  deaths.  It  is  well  known  that, 
with  one  important  exception,  emigration  docs  not 
seem  to  retard  population,  because  it  is  precisely  the 
countries  having  the  largest  emigration  that  have  the 
largest  birth-rate,  so  that  the  second  makes  up  for 
the  first.  Thus  in  Germany  in  1882,  while  the  emi- 
gration was  4.25  per  1,000  inhabitants,  the  excess  of 
births  over  deaths  was  11.52  per  1,000.  The  loss  by 
emigration  was  more  than  made  up  by  the  births. 
So  also,  in  England  and  Wales,  while  the  emigration 
was  6.17  per  1,000  of  the  inhabitants,  the  excess  of 
births  over  deaths  was  14.29  per  1,000.  The  great 
exception  to  this  rule  is  Ireland,  where  in  1882  the 
emigration  was  16.50  per  1,000  of  the  population, 
and  the  excess  of  births  over  deaths  was  only  6.66 
per  1,000.^  Emigration  causes  a  constant  decrease 
of  the  population  in  Ireland.  In  some  of  the  prov- 
inces of  Prussia  in  like  manner  there  is  an  excess  of 
emigration  over  the  natural  increase  of  the  popula- 
tion. 

Emigration  does  not  threaten  to  depopulate  the 
countries  of  Europe.  Had  there  been  no  emigra- 
tion during  this  century,  it  is  not  probable  that 
the    population    of    Europe   would    have    been    any 

^  Emigrazione  Italiana,  1886. 


24  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

greater  than  it  is.  The  probabiUties  are  all  the 
other  way.  Europe  has  never  grown  so  fast  as 
during  the  present  century.  The  commerce  with 
the  new  world,  the  possibility  of  escaping  thither, 
the  supplies  of  food  and  raw  commodities  drawn 
thence  have  given  a  hopefulness  and  elasticity  to 
European  life  such  as  it  never  had  before.  The 
place  of  the  emigrants  has  been  filled  by  new  births, 
and  more  than  filled.  Even  in  Ireland,  emigration 
has  not  succeeded  in  depopulating  the  country,  for 
although  in  some  counties  like  Clare  and  Kerry  it  is 
estimated  that  since  185 1  emigration  has  carried  off 
72  per  cent  of  the  average  population,  those  counties 
are  still  over-populated. 

From  the  beginning  of  this  century  emigration  has 
been  looked  to  as  a  cure  for  the  evils  of  over-popu- 
lation. Economists  who  held  to  the  doctrine  that 
wages  depended  upon  the  relation  of  capital  to  popu- 
lation, advocated  it  on  the  ground  that  it  would  pre- 
vent excessive  competition  in  the  labor  market  and 
thus  raise  the  standard  of  living.  These  hopes  have 
proved  fallacious.  As  shown  above,  the  growth  of 
population  is  not  at  all  impeded  by  such  removals. 
The  deficit  is  rapidly  made  up.  Before  the  new 
standard  of  life  is  reached,  the  number  has  been  re- 
gained, and  the  condition  of  the  community  is  no 
better  than  it  was.  No  such  result  could  be  attained 
except  by  the  removal  en  masse  of  a  very  large  num- 


The  History  of  Emigration.  25 

ber  of  persons.  This  could  be  done  only  by  a  gov- 
ernment that  would  undertake  the  enormous  expense 
of  transporting  the  emigrants  to  a  colony  and  set- 
tling them  there  so  that  they  could  earn  their  own 
living.  No  government  has  as  yet  been  willing  to 
undertake  such  a  task.  The  English  government 
has  offered  aid  to  the  Irish  to  emigrate,  but  this  aid 
has  not  been  extensively  made  use  of  and  has  not  in 
any  sense  been  effective  in  diminishing  the  misery 
of  the  whole  country.  The  condition  of  Ireland  is 
little  better  now  than  it  was  forty  years  ago,  notwith- 
standing the  enormous  emigration  which  has  taken 
place  of  its  own  accord. 

Emigration  by  itself  is  not  a  remedy  for  the  evils 
of  over-population  or  of  a  low  condition  of  the  mass 
of  the  people.  It  is  important  for  us  to  remember 
this,  for  it  is  often  assumed  that  by  allowing  free 
immigration  into  this  country  we  are  relieving  the 
miseries  of  Europe,  and  helping  to  raise  the  people 
there  to  a  higher  standard  of  comfort  and  well-be- 
ing. The  abstraction  of  population  must  be  accom- 
panied by  measures  at  home  for  bettering  the  con- 
dition of  those  classes  which  need  elevation. 

As  emigration  does  not  relieve  over-population  in 
general  neither  does  it  relieve  congestion  of  popula- 
tion in  particular  districts,  nor  over-crowding  of  land 
in  particular  sections.  In  Prussia,  the  emigration 
comes  now  from  the  poorly  settled  districts  of   the 


r^ 


26  Emigratioji  and  Immigration. 

East,  and  not  from  the  densely  settled  Rhine  prov- 
inces. The  difficulty  is  that  emigration  is  controlled 
by  other  motives  which  may  have  absolutely  no  con- 
nection with  the  desirability  of  removing  certain 
elements  of  the  population  or  relieving  the  social 
pressure  at  certain  points.  It  is  often  the  poor  and 
degraded  who  have  not  the  courage  nor  the  means  to 
emigrate,  and  who  remain  in  a  life  constantly  grow- 
ing harder  and  more  hopeless.  The  mere  accident 
of  good  transportation  facilities  often  has  more  influ- 
ence in  determining  the  stream  of  emigration  than 
do  any  social  causes  whatsoever. 

It  can  scarcely  be  expected  that  a  mere  blind 
movement  following  a  variety  of  motives  shall  of  it- 
self, without  leadership,  work  out  good  social  results. 
There  is  absolutely  nothing  in  the  movement  of  free 
emigration  which  could  lead  us  to  expect  that  its 
results  would  invariably,  or  even  on  the  whole,  be  for 
the  good  of  the  community  which  the  emigrants 
leave.  Blind  forces  must  produce  chance  results, 
and  the  probability  is  that  the  results  will  not  be 
what  were  expected.  Emigration  does  not  bring 
about  a  decrease  of  population  ;  neither  does  it  re- 
lieve congestion  of  population,  nor  remove  the  bur- 
den of  poverty  and  low-living  which  has  been  caused 
by  an  excess  of  population.  These  results  are  mostly 
negative.  If  we  turn  to  the  economic  effects  of  emi- 
gration things  appear  in  a  more  positive  light. 


TJie  History  of  Emigration.  2/ 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  most  of  the  governments 
of  Europe  are  opposed  to  emigration  in  its  present 
form.  This  opposition  is  partly  because  it  represents, 
in  many  cases,  an  evasion  of  the  universal  military 
duty.  During  the  years  1872  and  1873,  which  were 
good  years  for  the  working  classes  of  Germany,  there 
were  not  less  than  10,000  processes  annually  for  eva- 
sion of  military  duty  by  emigration. ^  The  military 
authorities  naturally  look  with  disfavor  upon  this 
desertion  of  the  fatherland  at  a  time  when  it  calls 
upon  its  youths  to  serve  it.  In  some  cases  the  large 
emigration  of  agricultural  laborers  has  given  rise  to 
a  scarcity  of  labor  and  excited  the  fears  of  the  land- 
lords and  also  of  those  who  look  upon  the  farming 
class  as  the  conservative  foundation  of  the  whole 
national  life.  This  is  the  case  in  Italy  at  the  present 
time,  and  has  been  the  case  in  Sweden  and  Norway, 
where  the  population  is  scanty  and  where  the  emi- 
gration if  it  continues  threatens  to  leave  a  portion 
of  the  country  without  inhabitants. 

If  we  look  at  the  matter  from  the  standpoint  of 
the  whole  nation,  we  can  readily  perceive  the  reason 
for  the  sceptical  attitude  of  the  European  communi- 
ties towards  free  and  voluntary  emigration.  When 
emigration  is  brought  about  by  the  free  action  of  a 
man's  own   mind,  without   extraneous  aids  or  influ- 

1  Schonberg,  Handbuch  der  Politischen  Oekonomie.  2  Aufl.  II. 
965- 


28  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

ences,  it  is  naturally  the  men  who  have  intelligence, 
some  financial  resources,  energy  and  ambition  that 
emigrate.  It  requires  all  these  to  break  loose  from 
the  ties  of  kindred,  of  neighborhood  and  of  country, 
and  to  start  out  on  a  long  and  difficult  journey. 
Voluntary  emigration,  as  was  pointed  out  by  Thorold 
Rogers  some  years  ago,^  would  naturally  expatriate 
the  cream  of  the  working  classes.  This  position  is 
partly  proven  by  statistics,  by  which,  indeed,  we  can- 
not measure  a  man's  character,  but  which  give  us 
some  particulars  in  regard  to  age  and  sex  that  are 
useful  indices  of  the  strength  and  capacity  of  the 
emigrant.  It  is  well  known  that  a  majority  of  the 
emigrants,  generally  sixty  per  cent,  are  males.  This 
in  itself  is  an  indication  of  economic  strength,  for 
men  are  stronger  and  more  self-reliant  than  women. 
This  excess  of  males  is  due  to  the  large  number  of 
unmarried  men  who  migrate.  An  additional  fact  in 
this  connection  is  that  the  majority  of  the  emigrants 
are  in  the  most  vigorous  ages  of  manhood  and 
womanhood.  Of  the  German  emigrants,  for  in- 
stance, over  sixty  per  cent  are  between  the  ages  of 
fifteen  and  forty,  although  only  thirty  per  cent  of  the 
population  are  between  those  ages.^  Not  only  do  the 
emigrants  come  from  the  best  ages,  but  the  drain  on 

^  Manual  of  Political  Economy.     3d  ed.,  1S76. 

2  Riimelin,  in  Schonberg,  Handbuch,  etc.     II.  S.  916. 


TJie  History  of  Emigration.  29 

the  adult  men  of  the  country  is  twice  as  great  as 
on  any  other  class. 

It  is  true  that  emigration  does  not  decrease  popu- 
lation, because  the  places  are  taken  by  new  births, 
but  this  is  not  a  paying  process  for  Germany.  She 
has  the  expense  of  bringing  up  her  children  to  man- 
hood, and  then  loses  the  benefit  of  their  labor  and 
commences  the  nursing  process  again.  She  is  left 
with  an  abnormal  proportion  of  children,  of  old  people 
and  of  the  weak  and  disabled  ;  while  the  new  country 
is  provided  with  able-bodied  adult  laborers  at  her 
expense.  The  only  offset  to  this  would  be  a  com- 
pulsory emigration  by  which  she  could  get  rid  of 
the  weak  and  the  infirm,  —  those  who  are  a  burden 
to  the  community.  We  therefore  find  the  authorities 
of  Europe  generally  opposed  to  voluntary  emigration, 
while  in  some  cases  engaged  in  or  encouraging  se- 
cretly the  emigration  of  the  poor  and  the  vicious. 
The  economic  and  social  gain  or  loss  by  emigration 
is  determined  more  by  the  character  of  the  emigrants 
than  by  their  number.  It  is  not  an  easy  thing  to 
say  how  far  it  is  a  benefit  and  how  far  an  injury  to 
any  country  at  the  present  time.  There  are  very 
few  nations  that  would  be  willing  to  encourage  it 
on  any  great  scale  and  most  of  them  prefer  to  have 
their  people  stay  at  home. 

Of  course  there  are  circumstances  in  which  the 
chance  to  leave  one's  country  is  in  every  sense  a  gain, 


30  Emigration  and  hnmigration. 

both  to  the  emigrant  and  to  the  country  itself.  The 
leaders  of  a  party  that  has  been  defeated  in  a  civil 
war  find  it  more  congenial  to  live  in  a  nev^^  country 
than  to  stay  under  the  rule  of  their  opponents,  and 
it  is  for  the  peace  of  the  country  that  these  restless 
spirits  are  removed.  So  in  case  of  the  decline  of 
a  national  industry,  it  is  a  gain  that  the  workmen 
can  leave  the  neighborhood  where  there  is  no  longer 
employment  for  them.  Those  who  have  been  per- 
secuted for  their  religion  have  often  found  safety  in 
expatriating  themselves.  Even  the  vicious  may  oc- 
casionally use  the  new  opportunity  to  begin  a  more 
creditable  career. 

With  the  causes  of  this  immense  migratory  move- 
ment of  the  nineteenth  century  it  will  be  better  to 
deal  further  on  under  the  study  of  immigration,  when 
we  shall  attempt  to  analyze  them  more  closely  in 
order  to  study  the  worth  of  the  immigrant.  It  is 
sufficient  to  say  here  that  religious  and  political 
motives  have  sunk  into  insignificance.  There  was 
a  time  when  men  were  compelled  to  leave  their 
country  in  order  to  enjoy  religious  freedom,  and 
that  movement  has  given  birth  to  some  of  the  most 
solid  and  progressive  colonial  communities.  But  the 
growth  of  religious  tolerance  has  abrogated  that  ne- 
cessity ;  the  only  exception  is  the  persecution  of 
the  Jews  in  Russia,  and  this  seems  to  have  as  much 
of  a  social  as  of  a  relij^ious  side  to  it. 


TJie  History  of  Emigration.  31 

It  is  also  true  that  clown  to  this  century  men  emi- 
grated in  order  to  escape  political  tyranny.  Even 
after  the  insurrections  and  revolutions  of  1848  politi- 
cal refugees  fled  to  the  United  States.  This  occa- 
sionally happens  in  the  case  of  nihilists  and  socialists 
at  the  present  time.  So  also  after  Prussia  incorpo- 
rated the  kingdom  of  Hanover,  and  after  the  German 
empire  took  possession  of  Alsace  and  Lorraine,  many 
of  the  old  inhabitants  migrated  rather  than  submit 
to  the  new  regime  ;  but  such  movements  are  also 
insignificant. 

The  main  cause  of  emigration  at  the  present  time 
may  be  correctly  described  as  economic.  It  is  the 
desire  to  escape  some  economic  pressure  or  to  attain 
a  better  economic  condition.  The  occasions  for  the 
working  of  the  cause  may  be  different,  and  the  result 
may  be  fortunate  or  disastrous,  but  the  cause  is 
neither  religious  nor  political  but  economic.  This  is 
seen  when  one  studies  the  variations  in  the  flow  of 
emigration  from  one  year  to  another.  Whenever 
famine  or  hard  times  occur  in  the  countries  of 
Europe,  there  is  an  immediate  increase  in  the  flow 
of  emigration.  Whenever  there  is  distress  in  the 
countries  of  the  new  world,  there  is  a  decrease  in 
the  volume  of  immigration.  The  causes  are  sure  to 
be  followed  by  the  effects,  although  it  may  take 
some  time  for  the  cause  to  be  fully  felt  and  acted 
upon.      Other  influences   may   modify  this    primary 


32  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

one  in  a  great  variety  of  ways.  The  temptation  to 
escape  military  duty  is  always  present.  An  impend- 
ing war  in  Europe  might  give  a  sudden  stimulus  to 
the  movement,  or  a  war  in  the  United  States  might 
greatly  retard  or  almost  entirely  check  it.^  The 
establishment  of  a  new  steamship  line  or  the  sud- 
den reduction  of  the  rates  of  fare  has  sometimes 
increased  the  emigration  from  a  particular  country 
or  locality.  The  activity  of  steamship  agents  is  an 
abnormal  influence  which  has  greater  or  less  weight. 
Especially,  the  knowledge  of  the  new  country  and 
the  solicitations  of  relatives  and  friends  who  have 
already  settled  there  are  powerful  inducements  which 
work  with  more  or  less  disregard  of  economic  condi- 
tions. All  these  are  minor  variations  but  the  gen- 
eral influence  may  still  be  said  to  be  the  desire  to 
better  one's  economic  condition.^ 

^  See  statistics  of  immigration  in  next  chapter. 

2  Roscher  (Kolonien,  etc.,  S.  35)  points  out  that  one  great  induce- 
ment to  colonization  has  been  that,  however  hard  the  colonists  may  have 
to  labor,  the  children  will  rise  to  a  better  position  than  they  could  ever 
have  attained  at  home.  Many  of  the  pioneers  in  our  Western  states 
were  actuated  by  the  same  motive.  See  Hugh  McCulloch's  experience 
in  Indiana,  Men  and  Measures  of  Half  a  Century. 


CHAPTER    III. 

THE    HISTORY    OF    IMMIGRATION. 

In  many  respects  the  history  of  immigration  is 
much  more  interesting  than  that  of  emigration.  The 
latter  may  have  some  effect  in  diminishing  the  popu- 
lation or  the  material  resources  of  a  country,  al- 
though, as  we  have  seen  in  the  previous  chapter,  even 
such  effects  are  not  felt  perceptibly  in  states  having 
a  vigorous  life.  At  the  worst  it  becomes  one  of 
the  factors  in  the  decline  of  those  states  which 
are  losing  their  position  among  the  nations  of  the 
world. 

Immigration,  on  the  other  hand,  is  the  life  history 
of  the  countries  of  the  new  world.  Through  it  we 
trace  the  beginning  of  that  process  by  which  the 
civilization  of  Europe  has  spread  over  the  whole  face 
of  the  globe.  It  is  in  itself  the  history  of  the  new 
world.  Still  further,  immigration  directly  increases 
population  in  the  later  stages  of  the  history  of  these 
countries,  —  an  increase  that  is  independent  of  the 
relation  of  births  and  deaths  and  that  has  the  most 
important  influence  in  determining  the  position  of 
the  country   among  the  other  powers  of  the  world, 

^3 


34  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

The  quality  of  the  immigration  also  has  important  in- 
fluence on  the  civilization  of  the  new  country.  The 
ethnic  constitution  may  undergo  the  most  decided 
change  by  the  addition  of  elements  differing  from  the 
original  population.  The  immigrants  may  be  of  dif- 
ferent race  or  nationality,  with  different  language, 
customs,  or  habits  of  thought  from  the  people  of  the 
country  that  receives  them.  They  may  have  been 
accustomed  to  different  political  institutions  and  not 
be  able  to  adjust  themselves  readily  to  the  political 
life  of  the  new  country.  Economically,  they  may 
have  been  accustomed  to  a  lower  standard  of  living, 
and  thus  introduce  a  distressing  competition  in  the 
labor  market.  Socially,  they  may  represent  an  ab- 
normal proportion  of  the  classes  that  contribute  to 
the  pauperism,  the  crime  and  the  vice  of  the  commu- 
nity, and  thus  add  to  the  burden  of  private  and  pub- 
lic charity.  Whenever  immigration  assumes  large 
proportions  these  questions  are  sure,  sooner  or  later, 
to  become  very  important. 

It  is  only  in  recent  times  that  these  problems  of 
immigration  have  presented  a  serious  aspect.  Of 
course  wherever  there  is  emigration  there  is  a  corre- 
sponding immigration,  but  the  chief  interest  of  the 
whole  movement  has  hitherto  been  supposed  to  be 
to  the  country  of  emigration,  and  the  question  has 
been  viewed  entirely  from  that  standpoint.  All 
through    the    middle  ajres   there  was  little    immisra- 


The   History  of  Immigratioti.  35 

tion  in  the  real  meaning  of  the  word,  for  neither 
conquest  nor  commercial  colonization  can  be  said 
to  have  any  immigration  side  to  them.  The  stranger 
was  generally  looked  upon  with  disfavor,  where  he 
was  not  absolutely  excluded.  There  are  instances 
where  foreigners  were  admitted  and  even  urged  to 
come;  as  Edward  III  imported  Flemish  weavers  into 
England  in  order  to  establish  the  cloth  industry,  and 
Colbert  introduced  Venetian  glass-makers  and  Swed- 
ish iron-workers  into  France ;  but  these  are  isolated 
examples  and  not  of  importance.  It  is  needless  to 
say  that  the  introduction  of  Scotch  and  English  into 
Ireland  had  the  characteristics  of  a  conquest  rather 
than  of  immigration. 

The  history  of  immigration  into  the  United  States, 
to  which  we  shall  now  confine  ourselves,  may  be 
briefly  traced  as  follows  :  — 

In  one  sense  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  United 
States  are  immigrants  or  the  descendants  of  immi- 
grants. The  only  exception  would  be  the  few  de- 
scendants of  the  aborigines,  who  still  exist,  but  in 
a  position  of  insignificance  and  utter  inferiority. 
There  is,  however,  a  great  difference  between  those 
who  came  to  this  country  when  it  was  an  unclaimed 
wilderness,  and  by  their  toil  and  sacrifices  established 
a  great  commonwealth,  and  those  who  simply  migrate 
into  a  country  where  state,  laws  and  customs  are 
already   fixed.     The  first  are  colonists ;    the    second 


36  Emigration  and  hnviigration. 

are  merely  immigrants.  To  the  first  belongs  the 
glory  of  having  established  the  state  and  given  to 
the  new  country  its  institutions,  laws,  customs  and 
language.  They  are,  in  a  sense,  the  founders  and 
proprietors  of  the  new  state,  and  they  have  a  right  to 
guard  its  institutions  from  alien  influences,  if  these 
should  threaten  danger  to  their  integrity.  The  sec- 
ond, the  immigrants  who  have  not  shared  the  dan- 
gers of  the  period  of  settlement,  occupy  a  subordinate 
position.  They  are  not  there  through  any  merit  of 
their  own,  but  by  consent  and  upon  invitation  of  the 
original  colonists.  It  is  true  that  they  may  have 
aided  in  the  material  development  of  the  country  and 
in  that  respect  have  been  of  very  great  service,  but 
they  are  still  merely  immigrants  ;  they  are  not  the 
founders  of  the  state. 

In  the  history  of  any  new  country  it  is  not  easy  to 
draw  the  line  between  colonists  and  immigrants.  In 
other  words  it  is  not  easy  to  say  exactly  when  the 
process  of  colonization  is  complete.  In  the  case  of 
the  United  States  a  convenient  date  is  furnished  by 
the  conclusion  of  the  war  of  independence  against 
Great  Britain.  Down  to  1783  may  be  termed  the 
period  of  colonization.  At  that  time  the  state  was 
established,  and  any  further  additions  to  the  popula- 
tion had  little  influence  in  changing  its  form  or  the 
language  and  customs  of  the  people.  Since  1783, 
the  growth  of  population  in  the  United  States  has 


The   History  of  Ivt7nigration.  37 

been  due  to'  natural  increase  and  to  imrrigration. 
This  period  we  can  conveniently,  although  somewhat 
arbitrarily,  divide  into  two.  Our  statistics  of  immi- 
gration begin  in  1820.  From  1783  to  1820  there 
seems  to  have  been  little  immigration,  so  that  we 
may  call  that  the  period  of  natural  increase ;  and 
from  1 820  to  the  present  day  we  may  call  the  period 
of  immigration. 

Our  knowledge  of  the  growth  of  population  during 
the  colonial  period  is  extremely  meagre.  No  accu- 
rate records  were  kept  of  new  comers  or  of  births  and 
deaths.  The  data  lie  scattered  through  a  great 
many  books,  tax  lists,  voters'  lists,  military  levies, 
etc.,  and  it  is  only  by  careful  comparison  of  these 
and  a  knowledge  of  the  laws  of  population  that  we 
can  arrive  at  any  conclusion.  The  latest  estimates 
of  this  character  are  those  made  by  Prof.  F.  B. 
Dexter  and  presented  to  the  American  Antiquarian 
Society  at  a  recent  meeting.  The  conclusions  of 
this  careful  paper  are  summarized  as  follows  :  — 

"  In  the  first  third  of  a  century,  or  by  1640,  when  Parliament 
gained  the  ascendancy  in  England,  British  America  contained 
a  little  over  25,000  whites,  —  60  jjer  cent  of  them  in  New  Eng- 
land, and  the  most  of  the  remainder  in  Virginia.  At  the  restora- 
tion of  the  monarchy  in  1660,  the  total  was  about  80,000,  the 
greatest  gain  being  in  the  most  loyal  divisions,  Virginia  and 
Maryland,  which  now  comprehended  one-half  the  whole.  At 
the  next  epoch,  the  Protestant  Revolution  of  1689,  Mr.  Bancroft 
concludes  that  our  numbers  were  not  much  beyond  200,000,  and 


38  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

the  figures  I  have  presented  give  about  206,000 ;  in  this  increase 
one  large  factor  was  due  to  the  Middle  Colonies,  which  now  for 
the  first  time  assumed  importance,  numbering  already  nearly 
one-half  as  many  as  New  England. 

"A  round  half  million  appears  to  have  been  reached  about 
1 72 1,  with  the  Middle  Colonies  showing  again  the  largest  per- 
centage of  growth,  and  New  England  the  least.  A  million 
followed  in  twenty-two  years  more,  or  1743,  this  figure  being 
doubled  in  turn  twenty-four  years  later,  or  in  1767,  —  the  latter 
reduplication  being  delayed  a  little,  doubtless  by  the  effect  of 
intervening  wars. 

"  In  the  Congress  of  1774  the  colonists  ventured  for  the  first 
time  on  a  guess  at  their  own  strength,  their  estimate  being  a 
little  over  three  millions ;  but  the  true  number  cannot  have  been 
much  more  than  two  millions  and  a  half,  and  this  in  turn  was 
double  the  figure  reached  about  twenty-three  years  before,  which 
period  is  the  usual  time  of  doubling  shown  by  our  later  censuses 
down  to  the  date  of  the  civil  war. 

"  These  results  differ  slightly  from  those  approved  by  Mr. 
Bancroft  in  his  last  edition,  who  exceeds  my  estimates  from  1750 
to  1770  by  amounts  varying  from  50,000  to  100,000,  or  from  4  to 
5  per  cent  of  the  totals." 

(Note.)  "  My  own  figures  are,  for  1750,  1,207,000;  for  1760, 
1,610,000;  for  1770,  2,205,000;  for  1775,  2,580,000;  for  1780, 
2,780,000.  The  published  figures  of  the  census  of  1790  (3,929,- 
214)  do  not  include  Vermont  or  the  territory  northwest  of  the 
Ohio,  which  would  bring  the  total  above  4,000,000."  ^ 

The  part  played  in  this  increase  of  population  by 
colonization  from  the  old  world  and  by  the  natural 

1  Estimates  of  Population  in  the  American  Colonies,  by  Franklin 
Bowditch  Dexter,  Worcester,  18S7. 


TJie   History  of  Immigration.  39 

ease   of   the   original   settlers    is   absolutely   un- 

vvn.      Considering   the  difficulties   of   getting   to 

lerica  and  the  dangers  to  be  encountered   there, 

is    probable    that    after   the    first    settlement    the 

rease    was    mainly    natural,    supplemented    by   an 

ermittent    flow  of   new  comers.     The  dangers  of 

I  frontier  life  were  very  considerable  ;  but  on  the 

ler  hand  there  was  no  restraint  on  the  increase  of 

pulation  due  to  the  difficulty  of  providing  careers 

r  the  children,  so  that  a  man  could  have  as  large  S. 

mily  as  he  chpse.     It  is  not  improbable  that    the 

Dubling  period  of  twenty-three  years  represents  th^ 

ormal   excess    of    births    over   deaths.     Immigrants 

'ere  naturally  welcome,  for  there  was  always  a  de- 

land  for  labor  and    a   place   for   every  able-bodied 

nan. 

For  the  period  from  1783  to  1820  we  know  the 
actual  number  of  the  population  at  the  censuses  of 
1790,  1800,  1 8 10  and  1820.  But  during  this  period 
we  have  no  statistics  of  immigration,  so  that  we 
cannot  tell  how  much  of  the  growth  was  due  to 
the  natural  increase  of  the  people  and  how  much 
to  immigration.  The  increment  —  about  thirty-five 
per  cent  during  each  decade  —  was  large,  but  no 
larger  than  we  should  expect  from  the  natural  in- 
crease of  population  in  a  new  country  where  there 
were  few  restraints.  Everything  was  still  in  favor 
of  early  marriages  and  large  families.     On  the  other 


40  Eviigration  and  Immigration. 

hand  the  period  was  not  one  that  encouraged  immi- 
gration. The  colonies  were  not  rich  except  in  the 
necessaries  of  life ;  their  political  future  was  uncer- 
tain ;  their  commerce  and  finances  were  in  a  state  of 
confusion  ;  and  there  could  have  been  but  littld  in- 
ducement to  Europeans  to  undertake  the  difficult 
and  dangerous  voyage.  During  a  great  portion  of 
the  time  the  new  republic  was  on  an  unfriendly  and 
even  hostile  footing  with  the  mother  country,  and 
commercial  intercourse  was  often  cut  off  by  embar- 
goes and  wars.  In  accordance  with  this  condition 
of  things  the  notices  that  we  find  of  actual  arrivals 
of  immigrants  are  scattering,  and  indicate  an  uncer- 
tain and  sporadic  movement.  These  notices  have 
been  collected  by  various  writers  who  have  attempted 
to  calculate  from  them  the  total  immigration  during 
the  period.^  It  is  utterly  impossible,  however,  to 
arrive  at  any  conclusion,  because  the  imformation  is 
so  meagre.  The  estimate  that  is  commonly  accepted, 
and  the  one  that  is  published  by  the  bureau  of  statis- 
tics, is  that  the  number  for  the  whole  period  was 
about  250,000. 

The  real  history  of  immigration  into  the  United 
States  begins  with  1820.  Since  that  time  the  col- 
lectors   of   customs    at    the    seaports  in  the   United 

^  See  Seybert,  Statistical  Annals  of  the  United  States,  iSi8;  Chick- 
ering,  Immigration  into  the  United  States,  1S4S;  Tenth  Census  of  the 
United  States,  vol.  I,  p.  457. 


The   History  of  Imtnigration.  41 

States  have  been  obliged  to  make  a  record  of  all 
passengers  arriving  by  sea  from  foreign  countries, 
also  the  age,  sex  and  occupation  of  such  passengers 
and  the  country  to  which  tliey  severally  belong. 

The  statistics  taken  under  this  act  are  probably 
pretty  accurate.  In  early  years  there  may  have  been 
omissions,  and  there  is  a  considerable  over-land  im- 
migration much  of  which  escapes  enumeration,  and 
which  in  fact  since  18S5  has  been  omitted  entirely 
from  the  returns.  Down  to  1856  no  distinction  was 
made  between  aliens  who  were  simply  travellers  and 
intended  to  return,  and  the  bona  fide  immigrants  who 
came  to  stay. 

The  tide  of  immigration  has  swollen  enormously 
during  the  seventy  years  covered  by  this  record. 
During  the  "twenties"  the  immigration  was  small, 
only  ten  or  twelve  thousand  coming  over  annually, 
increasing  to  twenty  thousand  in  1826  and  1827, 
owing  probably  to  the  commercial  depression  in  Eng- 
land, In  the  "thirties"  it  grew  steadily,  decreasing 
in  the  years  1836  and  1837,  on  account  of  the  depres- 
sion of  trade  in  this  country.  The  number  first 
reached  one  hundred  thousand  in  1 842,  but  sank  the 
following  year,  showing  that  the  normal  figure  at 
that  time  was  somewhat  less.  In  1846  began  the 
first  of  those  great  movements  due  to  crises  in  the 
old  world  which  have  occurred  frequently  since  and 
whose    reflex    action    tends  to  keep  the  tide  perma- 


42  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

nently  strong.  The  combination  of  bad  times  in 
Germany  and  the  famine  in  Ireland  made  the  enor- 
mous maximum  (427,833)  in  1854.  This  number 
was  not  reached  again  until  after  the  civil  war.  Dur- 
ing that  period,  the  conditions,  especially  the  facili- 
ties for  transportation,  changed  materially.  Instead 
of  sailing  vessels,  steamships  came  into  general  use. 
The  voyage  was  shorter,  the  rates  of  fare  were  lower, 
and  the  efforts  of  transportation  companies  to  obtain 
passengers  much  more  persistent  and  wide-spread. 
The  Western  states  were  welcoming  the  immigrants 
and  establishing  immigration  bureaux  for  the  pur- 
pose of  aiding  foreigners  to  come  and  settle  with 
them.  Knowledge  of  the  new  countries  was  spread- 
ing, a  great  many  persons  had  friends  already  here, 
and  these  friends  were  trying  to  induce  them  to 
come.  The  civil  war  had  terminated  in  favor  of 
free  labor,  and  the  enormous  development  of  rail- 
roads had  opened  up  a  great  territory  to  colonization 
and  settlement. 

The  result  of  all  this  was  the  renewal  of  immisrra- 
tion  immediately  after  the  civil  war.  The  years 
from  1867  to  1872  were  years  of  immense  business 
activity  in  the  United  States.  Much  of  this  activity 
was  speculative  and  brought  about  by  an  inflated 
paper  currency,  but  it  gave  employment  to  labor. 
So  immigration  went  on  and  on  until  in  1872  it 
reached  the  figure  of  437,750.     Then  the  commercial 


TJie   History  of  Immigration.  43 

depression  stopped  the  flow  for  several  years.  With 
the  apparent  return  of  prosperity  in  1879  and  1880, 
immigration  commenced  again,  until  in  1882  it 
reached  the  enormous  number  of  730,000.  Since 
then  it  has  gone  down  only  to  revive  again,  until  at 
the  present  time  the  number  is  over  half  a  million 
annually.^ 

The  course  of  immigration  into  the  United  States 
may  be  pictured  as  a  succession  of  waves.  There  is 
always  a  flood  and  an  ebb,  but  the  succeeding  tide 
is,  as  a  rule,  higher  than  the  preceding  one.  The 
movement  increases  although  it  does  not  do  so  by 
regular  gradations,  and  there  is  no  sign  that  we 
have  reached  the  end  of  it,  or  even  the  end  of  the 
increase. 

Immigration  to  this  country  is  of  course  mainly 
from  Europe,  especially  since  we  have  absolutely 
prohibited  the  coming  of  the  Chinese.  The  countries 
that  contribute  most  largely  to  the  number  are  Ire- 
land and  Germany.  During  the  last  few  years  a 
marked  change  has  occurred,  the  proportion  of  Irish 
immigrants  having  fallen  off  and  that  of  the  German 
having  increased.  In  recent  years  the  Scandina- 
vian immigration  has  steadily  grown,  as  has  also  the 
Italian. 

The  causes  of  this  enormous  immigration  have  al- 

1  1887=516,933;  1888=525,019;  1889  will  probably  show  a 
decrease. 


44  Emigration  ajui  I)nmigratio?i. 

ready  been  partly  indicated.  Since  1820  over  fifteen 
million  persons  have  come  to  the  United  States  and 
more  than  one-half  of  these  have  come  since  1870. 
No  cause  that  works  merely  on  the  disposition  or  the 
sentiments  can  account  for  such  a  movement.  Some 
part  has  been  due  to  political  discontent,  but  that  is 
no  longer  a  determining  influence.  Political  discon- 
tent is  not  so  wide-spread  in  Europe  to-day  as  it  was 
in  1848.  The  socialists  do  not  look  upon  the  Ameri- 
can republic  as  any  nearer  their  ideal  than  the  mon- 
archies of  Europe,  and  they  find  no  better  treatment 
here  than  at  home.  Again  it  is  no  potato  famine 
now  as  it  was  in  1846.  It  is  true  that  in  the  history 
of  immigration  we  can  trace  the  effect  of  economic 
distress  in  Europe  in  increasing  emigration,  and  of 
economic  distress  in  the  United  States  in  decreasing 
immigration.  The  great  Irish  emigration  of  1846 
and  the  great  German  emigration  of  1853  were  un- 
doubtedly due  to  famine  in  the  old  countries.  So 
also  immigration  to  this  country  was  decreased  by 
the  commercial  disasters  of  1836-37,  by  the  civil 
war  of  1861-64  and  by  the  commercial  depression 
of  1873.  But  absolute  famine  is  not  so  frequent 
in  Ireland  as  it  once  was,  and  mere  hard  times  ex- 
tend over  the  world  and  are  commonly  felt  as  keenly 
and  at  the  same  time  in  the  United  States  as  in 
Europe.  Doubtless  the  immigrant  does  expect  to 
better  his  economic  condition  by  the  migration,  but 


TJic   History  of  Immigration.  45 

it  is  not  the  direct  pressure  of  want  or  the  definite 
knowledge  of  how  he  will  gain  that  leads  him  to 
change  his  domicile.  The  whole  movement  is  more 
economic  than  political,  but  there  are  certain  minor 
influences  which  are  the  immediate  cause  of  the 
increase  of  immigration  in  recent  years.  These  are 
as  follows  :  — 

The  improved  means  of  transportation  at  the 
present  time  make  it  very  easy  for  persons  to 
change  their  domicile.  In  former  days  the  journey 
was  long,  dif^cult  and  expensive.  The  emigrant,  if 
he  lived  in  an  inland  town,  had  to  reach  the  coast, 
and  there  await  the  sailing  of  some  vessel.  Then  he 
was  crowded  into  a  small  sailing  ship,  miserably  fed, 
liable  to  sickness  and  disease,  obliged  to  live  in 
that  way  weeks  and  perhaps  months,  subject  to  the 
brutality  of  the  captain  and  crew  of  an  ordinary 
merchantman,  and  he  was  fortunate  if  he  reached 
the  other  side  not  permanently  enfeebled  by  some 
disease.  Landing  in  the  United  States  he  had  a 
long  and  expensive  journey  still  before  him  if  he 
wished  to  settle  in  one  of  the  newer  states. 

Now  all  this  is  changed.  The  intending  emigrant 
buys  a  ticket  in  his  native  village,  the  railroad  trans- 
ports him  quickly  and  comfortably  to  the  port  where 
steamers  leave  regularly  two  and  three  times  a  week. 
The  voyage  lasts  but  eight  or  ten  days.  The  owners 
of  the  vessel  are  obliged  by  law  to  provide  him  with 


46  Emigratioji  and  hnmigration. 

comfortable  quarters,  —  so  and  so  many  feet  of  space 
for  each  passenger,  —  with  sufficient  food,  of  good 
quality  and  well-cooked,  and  medical  attendance. 
When  he  lands  he  can  buy  a  railroad  ticket  to  his 
point  of  destination  and  in  a  few  hours  find  himself 
there.  Steamships  sail  from  every  prominent  port 
in  Europe  many  times  a  week.  For  instance,  in 
1887,  there  were  running  to  the  port  of  New  York 
alone  steamers  that  made  259  trips  from  Liverpool 
and  Queenstown,  265  from  Bremen,  Hamburg  and 
Havre,  96  from  Glasgow,  15  from  London,  106  from 
Antwerp  and  Rotterdam,  and  144  from  other  ports  of 
Europe.^  Some  of  these  ships  carry  from  a  thousand 
to  fifteen  hundred  steerage  passengers. 

Of  course  a  regular  transportation  business  on 
such  a  scale  as  this  cannot  be  maintained  except  by 
a  very  extensive  organization  for  the  purpose"  Of  se- 
curing passengers.  The  Inman  Steamship  Company 
has  thirty-five  hundred  agents  in  Europe,  and  an 
equal  number  in  this  country  selling  prepaid  tickets 
to  be  sent  to  friends  and  relatives  of  persons  already 
here  in  Order  to  provide  them  with  passage.  In  the 
little  country  of  Switzerland,  with  one-half  the  popu- 
lation and  one-third  the  area  of  the  state  of  New 
York,  there  were,  in  1885,  four  hundred  licensed 
emigration  agents.     The  object  of  these  men  is  to 

1  Report  of  the  Emigration  Commissioners  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  1888. 


The   History  of  Immigration.  47 

sell  tickets  and  get  their  commission.  They  picture 
the  advantages  of  America  in  glowing  terms  to  the 
peasants  and  artisans  and  to  any  that  are  discon- 
tented with  their  lot.  The  young  and  ambitious, 
or  the  young  and  reckless,  lend  a  willing  ear ;  and 
even  the  married  men  go,  expecting  in  a  short  time 
to  earn  easily  sufficient  to  send  for  wife  and  chil- 
dren. In  many  cases  they  mortgage  or  sell  the  little 
farm  or  vineyard,  which  is  their  sole  support,  for  the 
purpose  of  raising  the  money.  In  other  cases  the 
agent  loans  them  the  sum  necessary,  and  they  repay 
him  with  their  first  earnings  on  the  other  side. 

Competition  brings  down  the  rate  of  fare.  These 
great  steamships  must  be  filled,  and  filled  at  the  time 
they  sail.  It  is  better  to  take  people  for  something 
just  above  the  bare  cost  of  feeding  them  rather  than 
to  have  the  ship  go  empty.  At  one  time,  says  a  Ger- 
man ofificial  document,  steerage  passengers  were  car- 
ried from  Hamburg  to  New  York  by  way  of  England 
for  the  sum  of  seven  dollars.  During  the  steamship 
war  of  1885  steerage  rates  were  reduced  to  twelve 
and  even  ten  dollars.  In  1888  emigrants  were  car- 
ried from  New  York  to  Chicago  for  live  dollars.^ 
The  moment  a  man  is  discontented  the  alluring 
prospect  is  held  out  to  him,  that  by  paying  a  small 
sum  he  can  reach  a  country  where  everything  will 
be  better.     The  low  rate  of  fare  offers  a  great  temp- 

1  Testimony  before  Ford  Committee,  pp.  5,  415. 


48  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

tation  to  charitable  societies  and  poor-relief  guardians 
to  get  rid  of  the  burden  of  paupers  and  persons  un- 
able to  support  themselves,  by  buying  them  a  ticket 
to  America,  in  the  expectation  that  they  will  never 
be  heard  from  again. 

Another  thing  that  has  greatly  increased  the  tide 
of  immigration,  and  that  keeps  it  large  notwithstand- 
ing adverse  influences,  is  the  constant  communica- 
tion between  those  already  here  and  the  friends  they 
have  left  behind.  There  is  a  steady  flow  of  letters 
to  the  old  country.  The  immigrants  who  have  pros- 
pered here  depict  their  success  in  the  most  glow- 
ing terms  to  old  friends  and  acquaintances.  In 
many  cases  they  exaggerate,  as  is  natural,  deter- 
mined to  vindicate  their  own  wisdom.  Occasionally 
they  revisit  the  old  home  in  order  to  display  their 
wealth  and  dilate  on  the  advantages  they  have 
reaped.  One  such  letter  passed  from  hand  to  hand 
in  a  little  village,  or  one  visit  of  such  a  magnate,  is 
more  efficacious  in  sowing  the  seed  of  discontent  and 
restlessness  than  many  steamship  agents.  One  after 
another  is  seized  with  the  desire  to  try  his  luck,  and 
the  influence  is  continued  from  year  to  year  and  only 
waits  for  the  fitting  occasion  to  bear  fruit.  Again, 
many  of  these  letters  carry  with  them  money  or  a 
prepaid  ticket  in  order  that  the  parent  or  the  wife  or 
the  relative  may  follow  in  the  steps  of  those  who 
have  made  the  first  venture,     Millions  of  dollars  are 


TJie   History  of  Immigration.  49 

sent  back  every  year  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  friends 
to  come  over. 

The  result  of  all  this  is  that  emigration  is  no 
longer  going  among  strangers.  Almost  every  one 
has  a  relative,  or  a  friend,  or  at  least  an  acquaintance 
in  the  new  country  to  whom  he  can  look  for  aid  and 
counsel  on  first  arriving.  To  a  man  of  almost  any 
nationality  this  country  is  like  a  colony  of  the 
mother  land.  Here  he  finds  countrymen,  news- 
papers in  his  own  language,  people  who  are  able  to 
understand  him,  home  customs,  etc.  It  is  no  longer 
emigration  in  the  sense  of  expatriation,  but  simply 
migration  in  the  sense  of  moving  from  one  part  of 
the  country  to  another.  It  no  longer  requires  a  vio- 
lent wrench  to  detach  a  man  from  his  domicile  and 
transplant  him  to  a  new  home ;  he  does  not  leave 
after  long  deliberation,  and  only  under  the  stress  of 
absolute  want  or  persecution  ;  the  slightest  occasion 
is  sufficient  to  persuade  him  to  undertake  an  adven- 
ture which  in  former  times  would  have  been  consid- 
ered the  most  important  event  of  his  life.  The  same 
disposition  to  wander  and  to  try  one's  fortune  under 
new  conditions,  which  is  characteristic  of  our  own 
people  in  their  migrations  from  the  East  to  the  West, 
is  being  acquired  by  the  peoples  of  Europe  in  this 
international  movement. 

Our  statistics  of  immigration  carry  us  one  step 
further  in  the  way  of  giving  us  a  description  of  the 


50  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

immigrants  as  to  sex,  age  and  occupation.  It  is  well 
known  that  a  majority  of  the  immigrants  are  males, 
generally  about  sixty  per  cent.  The  proportion 
varies,  however,  in  an  interesting  way  among  dif- 
ferent nationalities.  The  Irish  show  a  very  large 
proportion  of  females,  owing  doubtless  to  the  large 
immigration  of  unmarried  girls  as  domestic  servants. 
Next  in  this  respect  come  the  immigrants  from  Nova 
Scotia  and  from  Prince  Edward  Island,  among  whom 
there  is  often  an  excess  of  females.  These  girls  find 
employment  in  New  England  as  domestic  servants 
and  in  the  factories.  Germany  shows  a  greater  pro- 
portion of  females  than  any  country  of  Europe  except 
Ireland.  This  is  due  also  to  the  employment  of  Ger- 
man girls  as  domestic  servants,  and  points  to  another 
interesting  fact,  viz.,  that  as  the  custom  of  emigra- 
tion continues  whole  families  are  apt  to  go  together. 
When  a  movement  of  emigration  commences  it  con- 
sists mainly  of  unmarried  men.  They  can  best  make 
their  way  alone  in  the  new  world.  A  few  married 
men  may  come  out  alone  and  afterwards  if  they 
prosper  they  send  for  their  families.  Thus  at  the 
present  time  the  Italians,  the  Hungarians  and  the 
Poles  show  a  comparatively  small  percentage  of  fe- 
males. The  immigration  of  these  nationahties  is  at 
the  present  time  of  the  lowest  kind  of  unskilled 
labor,  and  they  have  not  the  money  to  bring  their 
families  with  them.     So  it  has  been  noticed  in  the 


TJic   History  of  Immigration.  51 

recent  German  statistics  that  the  number  of  house- 
holds emigrating  tends  to  increase. 

It  is  also  well  known  that  the  immigrants  are 
largely  in  the  productive  ages  of  manhood  and 
womanhood.     The  figures  for   1887  were  as  follows: 

Under  15  years  of  age 94,278  or  17.18  per  cent. 

15  and  under  40  years  of  age    .     .     .     345,575  or  70.51  per  cent. 
40  years  of  age  and  upward      .     .     .       50,256  or  12.31  per  cent. 

The  proportions  differ  somewhat  according  to  na- 
tionality. Germany  shows  an  extraordinarily  large 
number  of  children,  due  doubtless  to  the  immigra- 
tion by  families  noticed  above.  Ireland  shows  a 
large  number  in  the  period  from  fifteen  to  forty,  and 
a  correspondingly  small  number  of  children  and  per- 
sons above  the  age  of  forty.  The  apparent  tendency 
in  Ireland  is  for  the  youths  of  both  sexes  to  emigrate 
before  marriage. 

These  immigrants  are  mostly  from  the  lower 
classes,  the  unskilled  laborers,  of  Europe.  Of  all 
those  who  return  an  occupation,  three-fourths  are 
unskilled.  We  shall  deal  with  these  figures  more  in 
detail  when  we  come  to  consider  the  economic  effect 
of  immigration. 

We  have  now  outlined  this  great  movement  of 
immigration  as  it  has  continued  its  course  during 
the  last  seventy  years  and  as  it  appears  to-day.  It 
remains  for  us  to  consider  it  more  carefully  and  to 


52  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

attempt  to  define  the  effect  it  has  had  on  the  people 
and  the  institutions  of  the  United  States.  Such 
effect  cannot  have  been  insignificant.  It  may  have 
been  for  good  or  it  may  have  been  for  evil.  At  any 
rate  it  is  worth  our  while  to  follow  out  this  great 
social  movement  in  its  details. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

IMMIGRATION    AND    POPULATION. 

Nothing  is  more  astonishing  in  the  history  of  the 
United  States  than  the  rapidity  with  which  its  terri- 
tory has  been  populated.  The  task  that  lay  before 
the  original  settlers  was  immense.  There  was  in 
front  of  them  to  be  subdued  a  wilderness  three  thou- 
sand miles  wide,  covered  with  primeval  forests,  un- 
broken by  roads  and  even  unexplored.  The  colonist 
could  have  maintained  his  equanimity  in  the  pres- 
ence of  this  task  only  by  ignoring  it  and  contenting 
himself  with  an  open  frontier  subject  to  Indian 
invasions  as  one  of  the  ordinary  conditions  of  exist- 
ence. His  life  was  a  sort  of  constant  picket  duty, 
without  relief  or  furlough,  and  practically  without 
truce.  But  although  the  original  settler  did  not 
trouble  himself  with  the  problem  of  how  the  whole 
continent  was  to  be  filled  up  and  added  to  the 
realm  of  civilization,  and  although  he  probably  had 
very  vague  notions  as  to  when  this  result  would  be 
consummated,  yet  the  spirit  of  history  was  busy  with 
the  task  and  brought  it  to  a  conclusion  much  sooner 
than  could  have  been  deemed  possible.     At  first,  as 

53 


54  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

we  have  seen,  the  progress  was  extreniely  slow.  The 
active  force  was  only  the  original  body  of  colonists, 
few  in  number  and  armed  with  the  hand  implements 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  —  and  not  the  best  of 
these.  The  principal  addition  to  this  labor  force 
came  from  the  natural  increase  of  the  population,  i.e. 
the  excess  of  births  over  deaths.  This  excess  was 
very  considerable,  although  the  mortality  must  have 
been  large  during  the  first  few  years  of  the  settle- 
ment. But  although  the  rate  of  increase  was  per- 
haps the  largest  of  which  we  have  any  historic 
example,  yet  the  basis  for  the  increase  was  so  insig- 
nificant that  the  absolute  numbers  remained  small. 
At  the  close  of  the  revolution  there  were  less  than 
three  million  men  in  the  thirteen  colonies.  At  the 
first  census  of  the  United  States  there  were  about 
four  million. 

We  must  picture  to  ourselves  the  population  of  the 
United  States  in  1790  as  stretching  along  the  coast 
from  Maine  to  Georgia  in  a  narrow  belt.  The  depth, 
so  to  speak,  of  the  inhabited  area  was  scarcely  two 
hundred  and  fifty  miles  at  its  deepest  parts,  and  that 
was  only  where  navigable  rivers  allowed  settlers  to 
ascend  them  and  still  keep  up  communication  with 
the  coast.  The  great  mass  of  the  people  were  on 
the  seaboard  or  in  its  immediate  neighborhood.  The 
so-called  cities  were  small  and  insignificant.  The 
population   was    mainly  agricultural,  only  three    per 


Imtnigratioti   mid  Population.  55 

cent  living  in  towns  of  eight  thousand  inhabitants 
and  over.  It  seemed  as  if  the  future  repubhc  might 
very  probably  be  confined  to  this  narrow  strip  along 
the  seaboard.  The  Mississippi  valley  was  still  only 
half-acquired,  and  the  occupation  even  of  the  North- 
west Territory  was  hindered  by  the  hostile  attitude 
of  the  Indians  incited  by  British  agents.  The 
means  of  communication  were  poor,  and  even  if 
the  western  country  were  to  be  settled  it  would  be 
difficult  to  hold  it  in  political  and  social  connection 
with  the  eastern  coast.  And  if  these  difficulties 
were  successfully  surmounted,  it  must  be  a  long 
time  before  the  natural  increase  of  population  would 
create  that  density  which  is  necessary  in  order  that 
a  nation  shall  enjoy  the  strength  and  prestige  of 
high   civilization. 

During  the  first  century  of  our  national  life  all  this 
has  been  changed.  The  whole  continent  stretching 
from  ocean  to  ocean  has  been  brought  under  the 
control  of  man.  Our  population  has  reached  sixty 
or  sixty-five  millions,  —  equal  to  that  of  any  first-class 
power  in  the  world.  Great  commonwealths  have 
sprung  up  in  the  Mississippi  valley  and  on  the  Pa- 
cific slope.  Distant  sections  have  been  brought  into 
harmonious  relations,  and  the  different  parts  of  the 
present  community  are  more  firmly  united  and  feel 
more  like  the  parts  of  one  whole  than  did  the  colo- 
nies of  a  hundred  years  ago. 


56  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

Three  factors  have  been  instrumental  in  bringing 
this  about.  They  are  the  acquisition  of  territory, 
the  building  of  railroads,  and  the  immigration  of 
people  from  Europe. 

It  is  scarcely  possible  to  exaggerate  the  influence 
of  the  plentiful  supply  of  land  on  the  social  history 
of  this  country.  It  has  permitted  and  encouraged 
the  rapid  increase  of  population,  which,  instead  of 
growing  denser,  has  spent  itself  in  taking  up  new 
territory.  Thus  from  1820  to  1830  the  population 
increased  32.51  per  cent,  but  the  settled  area  in- 
creased during  the  same  period  24.4  per  cent,  so  that 
the  density  of  population  in  the  settled  area  increased 
only  1.4  individuals  to  the  square  mile.  From  1830 
to  1840  population  increased  32.52  per  cent,  settled 
area  27.6  per  cent,  and  density  only  0.8  individuals  to 
the  square  mile.  Even  after  1 840,  when  the  immigra- 
tion began  to  affect  population  so  that  it  increased 
over  thirty-five  per  cent  in  each  of  the  decades  fol- 
lowing, the  settled  area  increased  nearly  twenty-two 
per  cent  in  each  decade  so  that  the  density  only 
increased  from  21.1  persons  to  the  square  mile  in 
1840,  to  26.3  in    i860. 

Few  people  realize  how  this  abundance  of  land  has 
simplified  all  social  problems  for  us  in  this  country. 
We  have  laughed  at  the  fear  of  over-population, —  that 
nightmare  of  the  countries  of  Europe.  There  has 
always    been    room    for   the  restless    and    energetic. 


Iviniigyation    and  Population.  57 

When  a  man  failed  in  the  East  he  could  go  to  the 
West.  When  trade  became  unprofitable,  a  man 
could  take  to  agriculture.  Our  public  land  has  been 
our  great  safety-valve,  relieving  the  pressure  of  eco- 
nomic distress  and  failure.  This  enormous  expan- 
sion has  been  due  very  largely  to  it. 

The  process  of  settling  this  immense  territory 
would,  however,  have  been  extremely  slow  if  it  had 
not  been  for  the  invention  of  railroads  by  which  the 
land  was  brought  within  reach  of  the  population  of 
the  East  and  at  the  same  time  an  outlet  provided  for 
the  products  of  the  West.  Railroads  began  in  1830. 
Since  that  time  there  have  been  built  over  150,000 
miles.  They  have  hastened  the  material  develop- 
ment of  the  country  by  many  decades.  Political  unity, 
also,  could  scarcely  be  possible  over  our  immense  terri- 
tory if  it  were  not  for  these  means  of  communication 
which  have  made  the  Pacific  coast  as  near  to  Wash- 
ington as  New  York  was  in  the  old  days ;  or  if  po- 
litical unity  were  possible  it  would  be  only  by  the 
exercise  of  despotic  power  such  as  the  Czar's  in 
Russia. 

The  third  factor  in  this  development  has  been 
immigration.  Thereby  the  growth  of  population 
has  been  reinforced  by  an  enormous  influx  of  people 
from  Europe,  in  the  most  productive  ages  of  man- 
hood and  womanhood,  who  have  not  only  directly 
added   to  the  number  of  inhabitants  but  have   con- 


58  Emigj'ation  and  hnniigration, 

tributecl  to  the  power  of  natural  increase.  It  is  an 
interesting  question  to  determine  the  amount  of  this 
influence  and  its  effect  on  the  race  composition  of 
the  population  of  the  United  States. 

If  we  start  with  the  distinction  expressed  in  the 
preceding  chapter  between  colonists  and  immigrants, 
and  draw  the  line  between  the  two  at  1790  or,  what 
would  amount  to  very  much  the  same  thing,  at  1820, 
the  question  would  naturally  arise :  How  many  of 
the  present  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  are  the 
descendants  of  the  original  colonists  and  how  many 
of  the  immigrants  }  It  is  impossible  to  answer  this 
question  accurately,  because  we  have  no  statistics 
of  births  and  deaths  for  the  whole  of  the  United 
States,  and  we  do  not  attempt  to  follow  the  nation- 
ality of  the  people  in  our  decennial  censuses  further 
than  the  birthplace  of  the  parent.  There  are,  how- 
ever, one  or  two  ways  by  which  we  can  estimate  the 
number  due  to  immigration.  One  is  on  the  basis 
of  the  fifteen  million  people  who,  according  to  the 
-^iN  census  of  1880,  were  either  themselves  of  foreign 
birth  or  the  children  of  parents  born  abroad.  That 
number  represents  those  immigrants  who  survived 
down  to  1880  and  their  children  born  on  this  soil. 
But  many  of  the  immigrants  who  came  in  the  earlier 
years,  say  before  1850,  are  now  represented  by  the 
third  and  even  by  the  fourth  generation.  These 
should   be   added   to  the   others.       The    number   of 


Immigration   and  Population.  59 

immigrants  who  arrived  before  1850  was  nearly 
2,500,000.  Granting  that  they  are  now  represented 
by  grandchildren  and  in  some  cases  by  great-grand- 
children, and  that  by  the  natural  increase  of  each 
succeeding  generation  the  number  would  by  1880 
have  doubled,  we  have  an  additional  five  millions, 
making  about  twenty  millions  in  all. 

A  second  method  of  estimating  the  number  of  our 
population  who  are  of  foreign  descent  has  been  pointed 
out  by  Dr.  Edward  Jarvis.^  The  basis  of  his  esti- 
mate is  the  two  figures  of  the  number  of  immigrants 
landing  here  during  each  decade  and  the  total  popu- 
lation of  the  United  States  at  each  census.  For  in- 
stance take  the  decade  1 870-1 880.  During  that 
period  the  white  population  increased  by  9,815,981. 
There  arrived  during  the  decade  2,944,695  immi- 
grants. In  1880  these  immigrants  had  lived  here 
an  average  of  3.7  years.  Allowing  them  an  increase 
during  that  period  of  two  per  cent  per  annum,  the 
total  number  of  immigrants  and  their  descendants  in 
1880  would  have  been  3,162,502.  This  would  leave 
6,653,479  as  the  natural  increase  of  the  white  popu- 
lation exclusive  of  the  immigrants,  or  19.48  per  cent 
in  ten  years.  This  rate  of  increase  applies  equally 
to  those  of  the  white  population  in  1870  who  were 
descendants  of  colonists  and  those  who  were  descen- 
dants of  immigrants.     This  is,  of  course,  an  arbitrary 

1  Atlantic  Monthly,  vol.  29,  p.  468  (.April,  1S72). 


6o  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

assumption,  but  there  appears  to  be  no  good  reason 
to  suppose  that  the  natural' increase  of  the  descen- 
dants of  the  immigrants  is  any  less  than  that  of  the 
descendants  of  the  colonists.  In  fact  when  we  re- 
member that  the  majority  of  these  immigrants  are 
in  the  productive  ages  of  manhood  and  womanhood, 
and  that  they  belong  to  the  lower  classes,  in  which  the 
tendency  to  marry  and  have  large  families  is  greater 
than  among  the  upper  classes,  the  probability  is  that 
they  contribute  their  full  share  to  the  growth  of  the 
community. 

By  this  same  method  the  natural  rate  of  increase 
is  worked  out  for  each  decade  back  to  1820.  Then 
we  can  begin  at  1790  and  taking  the  immigration 
and  the  rate  of  increase  from  decade  to  decade  esti- 
mate the  present  number  of  immigrants  and  their 
descendants.  Dr.  Jarvis,  by  this  method  of  computa- 
tion, calculated  that  in  1870  the  number  of  whites  of 
foreign  descent  was  11,607,394  and  the  number  of 
native  descent  was  21,479,595.  Carrying  on  the  same 
calculation  to  1880  it  appears  that  the  number  of 
whites  of  foreign  descent  was  about  eighteen  mil- 
lions, and  of  native  descent  about  twenty-five  and 
one-half  millions.  Using  the  rate  of  increase  of  the 
decad-e  1 870-1 880  to  carry  the  calculation  still  further 
it  would  appear  that  by  the  middle  of  the  year  1888 
the  whites  of  foreign  descent  numbered  over  twenty- 
five  millions,  and  of  American  descent  twenty-nine 


Immigration   and  Population.  6 1 

millions.  Less  than  one-ha]f  of  the  total  population 
of  the  United  States  are  descendants  of  the  original, 
white  colonists. 

The  enormous  influence  of  immigration  on  the 
population  of  the  United  States  is  at  once  seen  by 
these  figures.  The  native  white  population  has  in- 
creased with  wonderful  rapidity,  for,  as  we  have  said, 
most  of  the  natural  restraints  on  population  have 
not  been  operative  in  our  past  history.  But  besides 
this  enormous  natural  increase  we  have  constantly 
received  additional  people  from  the  countries  of 
Europe.  A  writer  in  the  Journal  of  the  London 
Statistical  Society  for  1884  has  expressed  this  graphi- 
cally as  follows  :  Assume  the  average  age  of  the 
immigrants  on  arrival  to  be  twenty  years.  Suppose 
that  one  hundred  persons  of  that  age  represent  the 
survivors  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  births.  These 
one  hundred  and  fifty  births  represent  the  natural 
increase  of  a  population  of  six  thousand  souls.  Such 
an  immigration  as  that  of  1882  represents  the  natural 
increase  of  a  population  of  nearly  fifty  million  people. 
In  other  words  we  have  a  foreign  population  equal 
to  our  own  contributing  to  our  growth  by  its  natural 
increase. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  point  out  the  immense  influ- 
ence which  the  rapid  growth  of  population  due  to 
immigration  has  had  on  the  material  development  of 
this  country.     It  has  supplied  that  labor  force  which 


62  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

was  necessary  to  bring  the  soil  under  cultivation.  It 
has  enabled  us  to  take  up  great  stretches  of  territory. 
It  has  built  railroads,  dug  canals,  made  highways,  cut 
down  forests,  in  short  turned  the  wilderness  into  cul- 
tivated land.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  without  this 
immigration  the  growth  of  the  country  would  have 
been  very  much  slower,  and  that  we  should  only  now 
be  where  we  were  twenty  years  ago.  It  has  quick- 
ened the  pace  of  our  development  and  made  us  do 
things  rapidly  and  on  a  large  scale.  We  are  apt  to 
attribute  our  prosperity  too  much  to  our  own  genius 
and  talent.  We  forget  the  factors  that  have  worked 
with  us  and  in  our  favor.  Unlimited  land  and  an 
army  of  intelligent  workers  furnished  with  the  best 
implements  of  labor  have  made  great  material  prog- 
ress almost  necessary. 

A  much  more  important  subject  of  study,  how- 
ever, is  the  effect  of  this  immigration  on  the  ethnical 
or  race  composition  of  our  population.  If  it  at  pres- 
ent consisted  merely  of  the  descendants  of  the  people 
who  were  here  in  1790,  with  slight  additions  from 
year  to  year  of  immigrants  from  Europe,  we  should 
be,  with  the  exception  of  the  blacks,  a  remarkably 
homogeneous  people.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that 
among  the  original  colonists  were  to  be  found  Dutch, 
Germans,  Swedes  and  French,  yet  the  dominating 
element  was  the  English.  This  is  seen  in  the  fact 
that  the  language    has    remained  English,  and  that 


Innm'gmtion    and  Population.  63 

the  institutions  are  English.  The  long  connection 
of  all  the  colonies  with  England,  whatever  the  orig- 
inal  home  of  the  colonists,  accounts  for  this  in  large 
measure.  The  revolutionary  struggle  united  the 
people  and  gave  them  the  feeling  of  one  nationality. 
Free  institutions  have  worked  in  the  same  way,  until 
we  find  the  native  born  Americans,  however  widely 
separated  by  distance,  exhibiting  very  much  the 
same  traits.  In  later  years  the  means  of  communi- 
cation, the  common  interest  in  the  common  govern- 
ment, and  still  more  the  commercial  intercourse  un- 
hindered by  tax-barriers  and  facilitated  by  the  same 
language,  the  same  money  and  similar  commercial 
law  have  unified  the  whole.  There  is  less  difference 
in  language,  customs  and  feeling  between  the  in- 
habitants of  distant  portions  of  the  United  States 
than  there  is  often  between  counties  or  provinces  of 
European  States,  which  have  had  different  historical 
development.  This  influence  has  been  so  strong 
that  it  has  enabled  us  to  assimilate  many  elements 
of  different  quality,  and  has  leavened,  at  least  to  a 
certain  extent,  the  whole  lump. 

But  during  the  last  forty  years  the  immigration 
has  been  so  large  that  the  process  of  assimilation 
has  become  more  difficult,  and  the  addition  of  foreign 
elements  has  been  so  rapid  that  it  has  made  the  race 
composition  of  our  population  essentially  different 
from  what  it  would  have  been  if  we  had  been  left  to 


64  E))iigratio)i  and  iDiuiigration. 

our  own  natural  growth.  These  foreign  elements 
are  now  so  prominent  that  it  is  worth  our  while  to 
consider  the  actual  composition  of  our  population  as 
it  presents  itself  to-day.  The  method  of  analysis 
and  the  results  have  already  been  indicated.  Our 
population  falls  into  three  groups  :  —  the  descendants 
of  the  original  colonists  (whites)  ;  the  immigrants 
since  1790  and  their  descendants;  and  the  negroes. 
The  proportion  of  the  descendants  of  the  immigrants 
tends  to  become  greater,  for  they  are  reinforced  not 
only  by  the  natural  increase  of  those  already  here 
but  by  fresh  immigrants  and  their  natural  increase. 
The  fact  therefore  that  the  proportion  of  the  foreign 
to  the  native  born  was  slightly  less  in  1880  than  it 
was  in  1870  shows  nothing  in  regard  to  the  real 
strength  of  the  foreign  born  and  their  descendants 
in  this  country.  The  proportion  is  vitiated  by  the 
fact  that  the  children  of  immigrants  who  are  born 
in  this  country  are  classed  as  native  born. 

It  would  appear  from  the  figures  that  alien  ele- 
ments are  very  strongly  represented  in  our  popula- 
tion. The  negroes  are  by  birth  and  race  and  previous 
condition  of  servitude  incapable  of  representing  the 
full  American  capacity  for  political  and  social  life. 
They  have  neither  the  traditions  of  political  life  nor 
practical  experience  in  self-government.  The  pres- 
ence of  this  numerous  body  of  people,  who  will  never 
fully  amalgamate  with  the  white  population,  will  al- 


Iviviigration   and  Population.  65 

ways  be  a  problem  for  us.  The  tendency  will  be  for 
them  to  remain  in  a  position  of  inferiority,  unable 
fully  to  meet  the  demands  on  their  intelligence  and 
virtue  which  our  system  of  political  liberty  and  equal- 
ity makes.  They  are  a  legacy  of  the  slave  period 
and  the  nemesis  which  long  years  of  evasion  of  our 
national  problem  has  left  with  us.  We  cannot  escape 
the  difficulty,  and  it  is  only  fair  to  say  that  they 
have  displayed  a  docility  and  good  nature  since  their 
emancipation  which  have  made  them  a  comparatively 
harmless,  if  not  progressive  and  desirable,  element  in 
our  national  life. 

We  turn  now  to  the  consideration  of  the  ethnic 
influence  of  the  elements  added  to  our  population  by 
immigration.  This  is  a  much  more  difficult  problem 
than  that  of  the  black  race.  In  the  first  place,  be- 
cause there  is  no  distinguishing  mark,  such  as  color, 
to  separate  the  foreigners  and  their  descendants  from 
the  descendants  of  the  colonists.  Even  if  there  is 
no  amalgamation,  the  very  fact  that  they  are  all 
white  makes  them  indistinguishable  either  by  the 
census  or  by  common  observation.  We  have  already 
seen  how  difficult  it  is  to  determine  even  the  total 
number  of  the  descendants  of  immigrants  now  living 
in  this  country.  But  in  the  second  place  there  is  a 
real  amalgamation  going  on  which  renders  the  de- 
scendant of  the  immigrant  in  many  cases  practically 
identical  with  the  native  American  in  capacity,  feeling 


66  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

and  national  characteristics.  It  would  be  absurd  to 
treat  the  whole  twenty  or  twenty-five  millions  whom 
we  have  reckoned  to  be  of  foreign  descent  as  alien 
elements  in  our  civilization.  Many  of  these  persons 
have  been  born  on  our  soil  and  know  no  other  coun- 
try and  no  other  language  or  institutions  than  ours. 
They  are  as  truly  American  in  thought  and  feeling 
as  any  descendant  of  the  Puritan  fathers.  Even 
where  they  have  come  to  this  country  poor,  ignorant 
and  perhaps  vicious,  they  have  seized  upon  the 
chance  to  begin  a  new  life  and  have  elevated  them- 
selves and  their  children  to  a  higher  plane  of  civiliza- 
tion. Economic  well-being  and  the  practice  of  free 
institutions  are  the  most  powerful  agents  of  civiliza- 
tion. 

There  are,  now,  three  figures  which  will  give  us 
some  notion  of  the  strength  and  character  of  this 
foreign  influence.  One  is  the  statistics  of  immigra- 
tion according  to  nationality ;  a  second  is  the  number 
of  persons  of  foreign  parentage,  —  that  is,  who  were 
cither  born  abroad  or  whose  parents  were  born 
abroad;  the  third  is  the  number  of  persons  now 
living  in  this  country  who  were  actually  born  abroad. 
Each  one  of  these  figures  is  incomplete  in  itself  as 
an  index  of  the  influence  of  immigration,  but  each 
supplements  the  others  ;  and  by  a  skilful  interweav- 
ing of  the  facts  indicated  by  the  three  we  can  arrive 
at  some  appreciation  of  this  great  movement. 


Immigration    and  Population.  6y 

The  foreign  element  in  the  United  States  is 
composed  of  many  different  nationalities,  and  the 
first  step  is  to  determine  the  relative  proportions  of 
these.  Since  the  year  1820  more  than  fifteen  million 
immigrants  have  landed  on  our  shores.  Of  these 
3,387,279  came  from  Ireland;  1,529,792,  from  Eng- 
land and  Wales ;  312,924,  from  Scotland;  4,359,121, 
from  Germany;  857,083,  from  Norway  and  Sweden; 
127,642,  from  Denmark;  3S7>333>  from  France; 
160,201,  from  Switzerland  ;  320,796,  from  Italy. 
The  principal  elements  added  to  our  population  are 
German  and  Irish,  with  a  strong  mixture  also  of 
Scotch,  Scandinavian  and,  in  recent  years,  a  con- 
siderable number  of  Italians. 

Statistics  for  successive  years  show  that  the  char- 
acter of  the  movement  is  undergoing  considerable 
change.  The  relative  number  of  the  Irish  is  decreas- 
ing and  that  of  the  Germans  is  increasing.  During 
the  decade  1 841-1850  the  Irish  formed  45.57  per 
cent  of  the  whole  number  of  immigrants;  from  1871 
to  1880  they  were  only  15.10  per  cent.  On  the  other 
hand  the  Germans,  who  formed  in  1 841-1850,  25.37 
per  cent  of  the  whole  number,  in  1851-60  were  36.63 
per  cent,  in  1 861 -1870  were  33.32  per  cent,  and  in 
1 87 1 -1 880  still  25.74  per  cent.  The  relative  number 
from  the  smaller  nationalities  such  as  Norway  and 
Sweden,  Italy  and  Austria-Hungary  tends  constantly 
to  increase. 


68  Emigration  and  Imniigratio^i. 

About  the  same  distribution  of  ethnic  elements 
is  seen  in  the  statistics  of  foreign  parentage  at  the 
tenth  census.  Taking  the  birthplace  of  the  father 
as  a  test,  it  appeared  that  there  were  in  the  United 
States : 

4,883,842  persons  having  German  fathers. 
4,529,523  persons  having  Irish  fathers. 
2,039,808  persons  having  British  fathers. 

635,405  persons  having  Scandinavian  fathers. 

939,247  persons  having  British  American  fathers. 
1,321,485  persons  having  fathers  born  in  other  foreign  countries. 

573,434  persons  having  native  fathers  and  foreign  mothers. 

It  appears  from  this  that  the  ethnic  element  most 
powerfully  influencing  the  population  of  the  United 
States  at  the  present  time  is  the  German,  and  that 
next  to  it  comes  the  Irish.  When  we  consider,  how- 
ever, that  there  are  over  two  million  persons  having 
British  fathers  and  mothers,  most  of  them  English ; 
that  there  are  over  six  hundred  thousand  Scandi- 
navians who  are  of  pure  Germanic  blood ;  and  that 
a  part  of  the  British  Americans  would  also  be  Eng- 
lish (although  a  part  of  them  would  doubtless  be 
French  and  Irish),  it  will  appear  that  the  Germanic 
influence  is  still  dominant  in  the  formation  of  the 
population  of  the  United  States. 

The  statistics  of  the  foreign  born  in  the  tenth 
census  present  very  much  the  same  picture.  Of  the 
6,679,943  persons   of   foreign  birth,   1,966,742  were 


Iininigratiou  and  Population.  69 

born  in  Germany;  1,854,571  in  Ireland;  662,6^6  in 
England;  170,136  in  Scotland;  717,157  in  British 
America;  194,337  in  Sweden;  181,729  in  Norway; 
106,971  in  France,  etc.  The  importance  of  the  Ger- 
manic element  is  seen  in  these  figures. 

If  we  follow  out  these  foreign  elements  we  shall 
find  that  they  are  very  differently  distributed  through- 
out the  United  States.  They  are  much  stronger  in 
the  North  than  in  the  South  ;  dififerent  nationalities 
tend  to  concentrate  themselves  in  particular  states  ; 
and  the  foreigners  are  as  a  rule  more  numerous  in 
the  cities  than  in  the  country.  All  of  these  things 
are  clearly  disclosed  by  the  statistics  of  the  tenth 
census. 

The  record  of  the  avowed  destination  of  immigrants 
landing  at  the  port  of  New  York  presents  a  very  curi- 
ous picture  of  the  influences  already  felt  by  the 
immigrants  almost  before  they  have  landed.  For 
instance,  of  the  371,619  immigrants  who  arrived 
in  the  year  1887,  New  England  was  the  avowed  des- 
tination of  24,510;  the  Middle  States  of  219,836; 
the  Western  States  of  100,347  J  ^^^  Pacific  States 
and  the  Territories  of  16,371  ;  and  the  Southern 
States  of  4,651.  No  very  great  stress  can  be  laid 
on  these  figures,  because  in  many  cases  the  immi- 
grants have  no  definite  intention  as  to  where  they 
will  settle.     Thus  not  less  than  151,023  avowed  their 


yo  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

intention  of  settling  in  New  York.  Of  course  many 
of  these  afterwards  moved  on  to  ottier  states.^ 

The  tenth  census  showed  similar  results  in  the 
distribution  of  the  foreign  born.  In  1880  the  New 
England  States  contained  793,612  persons  of  foreign 
birth;  the  Middle  States,  2,130,304;  the  Western 
States,  2,916,829;  the  Pacific  States  and  the  Terri- 
tories, 614,678  ;  and  the  Southern  States,  224,520. 
The  reasons  for  this  distribution  are  sufficiently 
obvious.  For  many  years  slavery  kept  free  labor 
out  of  the  Southern  States,  and  so  they  received 
but  a  small  part  of  the  immigration.  The  factory 
towns,  the  large  cities  and  the  mines  attracted  the 
unskilled  labor  to  the  New  England  and  Middle 
States ;  while  the  unlimited  land  attracted  the  great- 
est number  to  the  West. 

The  nationalities  show  their  aptitudes  in  the  choice 
of  localities  in  which  to  settle.  The  Irish  stay  largely 
in  the  great  cities  or  in  factory  towns,  and  so  we  find 
them  represented  heavily  in  Massachusetts  (226,700), 
in  New  York  (499,445),  Pennsylvania  (236,505),  Illi- 
nois (i  17,343), , New  Jersey,  Connecticut  and  Rhode 
Island.  The  Germans  stay  to  a  certain  extent  in 
large  cities,  and  we  find  them,  too,  in  New  York 
(355,913),  Pennsylvania  (168,426),  Illinois  and  Mis- 
souri. The  Germans  are  also  farmers  and  we  find 
them  in  Ohio,  Wisconsin,  Michigan  and  Iowa.      The 

1  New  York  Commissioners  of  Emigration,  Report  for  1887. 


Imviigration  arid  Population.  71 

English  are  found  in  the  mines  of  Pennsylvania  as 
well  as  in  the  city  of  New  York.  The  British 
Americans  are  in  the  factories  of  Massachusetts  and 
in  the  lumber  forests  of  Michigan  —  and  in  fact  all 
along  the  frontier.  The  Scandinavians  have  founded 
their  own  colonies  in  Minnesota  and  Wisconsin. 

The  strength  of  this  foreign  element  is  disclosed 
if  we  take  a  typical  state  and  study  the  make-up  of 
its  population  more  closely.  Massachusetts  is  com- 
monly thought  of  as  peculiarly  an  American  com- 
munity, where  the  population  is  largely  composed 
of  descendants  of  the  Puritans.  It  was  found  in 
1885  that  over  twenty-seven  per  cent  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  that  commonwealth  were  of  foreign  birth, 
and  that  over  one-half  of  all  the  inhabitants  were 
of  foreign  parentage.  Nearly  thirty  per  cent  were 
of  Irish  parentage  alone. 

The  persons  of  foreign  birth  in  the  United  States 
seem  to  seek  the  large  cities.  In  1880  more  than 
thirty-four  per  cent  were  found  therein.  Of  the  Irish, 
forty-five  per  cent  settle  in  the  large  cities  ;  of  the 
Germans,  thirty-eight  per  cent ;  of  the  English  and 
Scotch,  thirty  per  cent ;  of  the  Italians,  sixty  per 
cent.  In  the  city  of  Boston  in  1S85  only  thirty-one 
per  cent  of  the  inhabitants  were  of  native  {i.e.  born 
in  the  United  States)  parentage  ;  the  rest  were  of 
foreign  parentage.  In  the  city  of  Lowell  only  thirty 
per  cent  were    of    native  parentage ;    in   Lawrence, 


72  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

twenty-two  per  cent ;  in  Fall  River,  seventeen  per 
cent ;  and  in  the  city  of  Holyoke,  only  sixteen  per 
cent.  Many  of  our  factory  towns  and  cities  are 
really  foreign  so  far  as  the  nationality  of  their  in- 
habitants goes. 

These  statistics  show  that  in  certain  parts  of  the 
country  the  foreign  element  in  our  population  has 
become  very  powerful  and  is  in  fact  overshadowing 
the  native.  Especially  in  the  cities  it  shows  its 
strength.  But  it  always  tends  to  concentrate.  This 
is  due  to  several  causes.  One  is  that  the  immigrants 
naturally  seek  that  portion  of  the  country  where  they 
can  find  employment  in  their  particular  trades.  The 
miners  from  Wales  and  England  naturally  go  to  the 
mines  of  Pennsylvania.  The  lumbermen  from  Can- 
ada seek  the  forests  of  the  Northern  States.  The 
unskilled  labor  remains  in  the  large  city  where  it  is 
employed  in  the  rougher  parts  of  building  trades,  or 
seeks  the  factory  town  where  it  can  soon  learn  to 
manage  the  simple  operations  of  industrial  machin- 
ery. Another  great  influence  is  the  presence  of 
friends  or  countrymen  upon  whom  the  newly  arrived 
immigrants  can  depend  for  help  and  counsel.  Many 
come  at  the  solicitation  of  friends  or  relatives,  or 
with  the  aid  of  money  sent  by  them,  and  naturally 
go  to  them  on  their  arrival. 

There  are,  fortunately,  certain  forces  which  tend 
to  counteract  this  cxclusiveness  on  the  part  of    the 


Ivwiigratioii  and  Popitlation.  73 

immigrants  and  gradually  to  fuse  the  different  ele- 
ments into  one  American  nationality.  Two  of  these 
we  have  already  mentioned,  viz.,  economic  prosperity 
and  the  practice  of  free  political  institutions.  The 
former  widens  the  circle  of  wants  of  the  new  citizen 
and  leads  him  to  imitate  the  higher  style  of  living 
which  he  sees  about  him.  This  separates  him  from 
the  habits  and  traditions  of  his  native  country  and 
he  adopts  new  standards  which  are  associated  in  his 
mind  with  the  new  domicile,  and  which  produce  a 
feeling  of  superiority  when  he  revisits  the  old  home 
or  comes  into  contact  with  later  arrivals.  It  differ- 
entiates him,  so  to  speak,  from  the  immigrant,  and 
gives  him  a  feeling  of  attachment  to  the  country 
where  he  has  prospered.  This  feeling  increases  with 
his  children  and  grandchildren  until  they  become  fully 
identified  with  our  customs,  manner  of  living  and 
habits  of  thought,  and  are  thoroughly  Americanized. 
The  exercise  of  political  rights,  to  which  many  of 
the  immigrants  are  strange,  tends  to  differentiate  them 
in  much  the  same  way.  It  makes  them  of  importance 
to  the  political  leaders.  It  gives  them  a  higher  posi- 
tion than  they  were  accustomed  to  at  home,  and  this 
naturally  attaches  them  to  the  new  country.  How- 
ever much  our  politics  may  suffer  from  the  addition 
of  this  vote,  much  of  it  ignorant  and  some  of  it  de- 
praved, there  is  no  doubt  as  to  the  educational  and 
nationalizing  effect  of  the  suffrage  on  the  immigrants 


74  Emigration  ajid  Immigration. 

themselves.  However  attached  the  Irishman  may  be 
to  the  cause  of  home  rule  for  Ireland,  or  however 
proud  the  German  may  be  of  the  military  glory  of 
the  empire,  his  feelings  must  gradually  and  uncon- 
sciously gravitate  to  the  country  where  he  has  found 
economic  prosperity  and  political  recognition.  He 
may  still  observe  the  national  feast  days  and  wave 
the  old  flag,  but  if  it  ever  came  to  a  contest,  he 
would  probably  find  that  he  was  more  of  an  Ameri- 
can than  an  Irishman  or  a  German. 

Another  great  fusing  force  has  been  the  dominance 
of  one  language,  —  the  English.  In  the  great  mass  of 
cases  the  immigrant  has  found  it  necessary  or  desir- 
able to  adopt  that  language.  Where  he  has  not  done 
it  himself,  his  children  have;  and  in  many  cases  it 
has  become  the  mother  tongue  if  not  the  only  tongue 
of  the  descendants.  As  soon  as  that  happens,  the 
man  of  foreign  descent  is  irreparably  separated  from 
his  former  home.  In  some  cases  thickly  settled  com- 
munities have  managed  to  maintain  the  foreign  speech 
and  the  old  religion  for  several  generations.  But 
the  disintegrating  forces  are  at  work  all  about  them. 
The  moment  the  young  man  ventures  out  into  the 
world  he  is  obliged  to  learn  English.  The  moment 
he  aspires  to  the  higher  education  or  to  political  or 
commercial  position  he  must  recognize  the  prevail- 
ing tongue.  The  children  learn  it  in  the  school. 
The  parents  recognize  that  it    is    desirable    for    the 


Immigration  and  Population.  75 

children  if  not  for  themselves.  It  is  impossible  to 
isolate  the  little  community  completely  and  it  is 
gradually  undermined. 

It  is  eminently  desirable  that  it  should  be  so.  We 
must  have  one  speech  in  this  country.  We  must 
insist  that  English  shall  be  taught  in  the  schools 
and  that  it  shall  be  the  fundamental  language  of 
future  generations.  It  must  be  everywhere  the 
official  language  of  the  courts  and  the  laws.  Ger- 
man clergymen  and  educated  men  sometimes  regret 
that  the  immigrants  and  their  descendants  should 
lose  this  connection  with  the  old  country  and  access 
to  the  great  literature  of  the  German  tongue.  But 
it  is  better  that  a  man  should  have  one  country  and 
not  divide  his  allegiance.  If  we  are  to  build  up  in 
this  country  one  nationality  we  must  insist  upon 
one  speech. 

There  is  one  other  way  in  which  the  foreign  ele- 
ments might  amalgamate  with  each  other  and  with 
the  native,  so  as  in  the  course  of  time  to  form  one 
homogeneous  people,  —  that  is  by  intermarriage.  In 
the  case  of  the  blacks  there  is  the  insuperable  color 
obstacle  in  the  way  of  their  fusion  with  the  whites. 
But  in  the  case  of  the  immigrants  this  does  not  exist, 
and  the  impediments  of  difference  in  language,  cus- 
toms, and  even  religion  may  gradually  be  removed.  It 
is  a  question  of  great  interest  how  far  such  a  fusion 
of  blood  is  actually  occurring  in  the  United  States. 


^6  Eviigraiion  and  Ininiigration. 

The  statistics  on  this  jDoint  are  not  very  encourag- 
ing to  those  persons  who  beheve  that  mixture  of 
blood  in  the  United  States  will  finally  produce  a 
race  different  from  and  superior  to  any  of  the  older 
nationalities.  It  appears  that  where  a  particular 
nationality  is  concentrated  in  any  one  locality,  the 
men  choose  wives  of  their  own  race.  For  instance, 
out  of  10,000  Irishmen  living  in  the  city  of  New 
York  9,441  had  wives  who  were  born  in  Ireland,  393 
had  native  born  wives,  119  had  wives  born  in  Great 
Britain,  13  had  German  wives,  etc.  The  same  fact 
is  true  of  the  Germans  in  New  York  or  wherever 
they  are  heavily  represented,  of  the  Scandinavians 
in  Minnesota  and  Wisconsin,  etc.  On  the  other 
hand  where  the  nationality  is  poorly  represented  the 
men  often  take  wives  from  other  nationalities.  For 
instance,  of  10,000  Irishmen  in  Maryland  not  less  than 
1,247  I'^^cl  wives  of  native  birth. ^  It  is  to  be  observed 
that  these  statistics  are  not  very  conclusive  because 
they  include  marriages  that  were  contracted  on  the 
other  side,  when  of  course  there  was  no  choice  open. 

1  The  immigrants  of  British  birth  or  descent  show  the  greatest 
incUnation  to  marry  native  women,  —  obviously  because  there  is  no 
obstacle  of  language.  The  same  thing  is  true  of  the  British-American 
except  in  the  New  England  States  where  the  French-Canadians  are 
included  under  this  designation.  The  very  interesting  and  curious 
tables  relating  to  this  subject  may  Ije  found  in  the  Tenth  Census  of  the 
United  States,  vol.  i,  p.  677.  See  also  Massachusetts  Census  of  1885, 
vol.  I,  part  I,  p.  673. 


Immigration  and  Population.  yy 

They  are  principally  the  marriages  of  the  first  genera- 
tion where  it  would  be  natural  to  marry  in  the  same 
nationality.  It  is  possible  that  the  future  genera- 
tions of  different  blood  may  intermarry  more  freely. 
But  even  here  it  is  seen  how  desirable  it  is  to  break 
up  the  concentration  of  immigrants  of  the  same 
nationality  in  one  place,  so  that  by  intermarriage 
with  the  natives  and  with  people  of  other  national- 
ity this  process  of  fusion  and  amalgamation  may  be 
hastened. 

It  is  one  of  the  favorite  theories  of  social  philoso- 
phers that  mixed  races  are  the  strongest.  And  it  is 
true  as  a  matter  of  history  that  the  most  progressive 
peoples  of  Europe  are  mixed  in  blood.  The  Ameri- 
can people  of  the  future  will  be  a  race  composed 
of  many  different  elements,  and  it  is  possible  that 
this  mixture  will  have  produced  a  people  possessing 
the  best  characteristics  displayed  by  these  various 
elements.  It  seems,  however,  that  there  are  two 
things  that  ought  to  be  carefully  considered.  One 
is  that  the  constituent  elements  of  this  amalgama- 
tion should  themselves  be  of  desirable  quality.  It 
is  scarcely  probable  that  by  taking  the  dregs  of 
Europe  we  shall  produce  a  people  of  high  social 
intelligence  and  morality.  The  second  is  that  we 
must  see  to  it  that  the  opportunity  for  amalgama- 
tion is  really  given.  Simply  placing  these  discordant 
elements  in  juxtaposition  will  not  make  a  compact 


78  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

and  solid  whole.  On  the  contrary  it  will  give  rise 
to  an  atomistic  weakness  which  will  make  any  homo- 
geneous and  harmonious  development  impossible.  A 
nation  is  great,  not  on  account  of  the  number  of  indi- 
viduals contained  within  its  boundaries,  but  through 
the  strength  begotten  of  common  national  ideals  and 
aspirations.  No  nation  can  exist  and  be  powerful 
that  is  not  homogeneous  in  this  sense.  And  the 
great  ethnic  problem  we  have  before  us  is  to  fuse 
these  diverse  elements  into  one  common  nationality, 
having  one  language,  one  political  practice,  one  pa- 
triotism and  one  ideal  of  social  development. 


CHAPTER   V. 

THE    POLITICAL    EFFECTS    OF    IMMIGRATION. 

It  is  obvious  that  the  enormous  influx  of  immi- 
grants during  the  last  thirty  or  forty  years  must  have 
had  a  great  effect  on  poHtical  Hfe  in  this  country. 
Whatever  the  character  of  the  immigrants,  it  is  not 
probable  that  they  have  had  the  same  political  tradi- 
tions and  training  as  the  descendants  of  the  original 
settlers.  Through  the  institution  of  universal  suf- 
frage and  the  short  naturalization  period,  this  influ- 
ence is  very  soon  measured  by  their  numerical 
strength,  without  regard  to  their  education,  charac- 
ter or  ability.  In  no  state  or  territory  does  the 
number  of  foreign  born  equal  the  native  born,  but  in 
many  cases  it  bears  a  large  proportion  to  the  latter. 
And  if  we  take  into  account  the  foreign  parentage, 
the  proportion  is  still  greater.  Indeed,  in  some  locali- 
ties, especially  in  large  cities,  the  persons  of  foreign 
parentage  fairly  overwhelm  those  of  native  descent. 

Again,  the  proportion  of  native  to  foreign  born 
does  not  fully  represent  the  political  strength  of  the 
latter.  Among  the  foreign  born  there  is  always  an 
abnormal  proportion  of  males  and  of  adults.     This  is 

79 


8o  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

already  disclosed  in  the  bare  figures  of  immigration, 
where  sixty  per  cent  are  males  and  seventy-five  per 
cent  are  above  the  age  of  fifteen.  So  in  Massachu- 
setts, while  of  the  native  born  only  54.5  per  cent  are 
twenty  years  of  age  and  over,  of  the  foreign  born 
84.5  per  cent  are  of  that  age.  The  same  thing  is 
shown  by  the  census  of  1880.  At  that  time  the 
males  of  twenty-one  years  and  over  (voting  popula- 
tion) constituted  25.5  per  cent  of  the  total  population 
of  the  United  States  ;  the  native  born  white  males 
of  that  age  constituted  22.4  per  cent  of  the  native 
white  population  ;  while  the  foreign  born  white  males 
of  twenty-one  years  and  over  constituted  46  per  cent 
of  the  foreign  born  white  population. 

It  is  true  that  all  these  persons  do  not  vote.  Some 
of  them  have  not  been  here  long  enough  to  be  natu- 
ralized, some  neglect  the  opportunity,  and  others  are 
incapacitated  for  various  reasons.  The  census  of 
Massachusetts  (1885)  gave  a  very  curious  table  show- 
ing for  each  nationality  the  proportion  of  males  above 
the  age  of  twenty  who  were  still  aliens,  —  that  is, 
who  had  not  become  naturalized.  The  Irish  are  most 
eager  to  become  naturalized,  the  English  and  Scotch 
much  less  so,  and  the  French  Canadians,  Italians 
and  Portuguese  least  so.  In  these  latter  cases  it  is 
evidently  because  they  have  been  here  an  insufficient 
length  of  time,  or  because  the  difficulties  of  the  lan- 
guage and  the  general  indifference  to  the  exercise  of 


TJie  Political  Ejfects  of  Iininigmtion.  8i 

political  power  make  it  less  desired  by  them.  As 
soon,  however,  as  this  vote  becomes  numerous  enough 
to  be  worth  controlling,  it  will  doubtless  be  natural- 
ized and  utilized  by  unscrupulous  politicians  and 
party  managers. 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  only  in  recent  years  has 
the  increase  of  this  foreign  vote  excited  any  appre- 
hension or  even  jealousy  on  the  part  of  the  native 
born  voters.  We  have  quietly  received  and  absorbed 
this  addition  to  our  electorate  without  making  any 
effort  to  prepare  it  for  its  new  duties.  There  has 
never  been  any  decided  movement  against  it.  On 
the  contrary,  the  tendency  has  been  to  make  the 
conditions  of  suffrage  more  and  more  easy  and  to 
admit  foreigners  to  it  on  the  same  footing  as  the 
natives.  It  is  true  that  we  had  alien  and  sedition 
laws  as  early  as  1798-99,  but  they  were  purely  polit- 
ical moves  and  had  no  reference  to  immigration 
which  was  then  in  its  infancy.  So  also  there  was  an 
American  or  Know-Nothing  party  in  1854,  but  that 
was  really  a  No-Popcry  excitement  and  quickly  died 
out.i  We  have  followed  the  principle  of  incorpora- 
ting the  new  comers  with  the  body  politic  as  soon  as 
possible  and  then  treating  them  exactly  like  native 
citizens.     They  are  admitted  to  all  public  offices  with 

^  As  late  as  1866  a  Congressional  committee  on  immigration  re- 
ported that  the  immigrants  were  a  most  valuaijle  acquisition  to  this 
country.  , 


82  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

the  exception  of  the  presidency  and  vice-presidency 
of  the  United  States. 

From  the  broadest  point  of  view  this  has  been 
wise  pohcy.  It  has  prevented  the  formation  of  a 
servile  class  in  this  country  or  of  any  well-defined 
system  of  classes.  It  has  offered  every  induce- 
ment to  the  immigrant  to  make  the  most  of  him- 
self. It  has  carried  out  logically  our  ideas  of  politi- 
cal liberty  and  equality,  and  we  have  secured  all  the 
advantages  that  pure  democracy  can  offer.  Until 
very  recent  years  the  power  of  assimilation  has 
apparently  been  sufficient  to  carry  on  this  process 
without  any  serious  break-down  of  the  political  ma- 
chinery. Of  late,  however,  there  are  signs  that  the 
task  is  becoming  more  difficult  and  that  we  are 
suffering  under  serious  evils  due  to  this  constant 
addition  to  our  voting  population  of  jDcrsons  not 
altogether  fitted  to  exercise  the  right  of  suffrage. 
Some  of  these  indications  are  as  follows  : 

Our  liberality  in  conferring  political  privileges  on 
aliens  has  resulted  in  destroying  every  test  of  the 
qualification  of  immigrants  for  the  exercise  of  politi- 
cal rights.  The  naturalization  act  now  in  force  is 
practically  that  passed  in  1802.  The  requirements 
of  tliis  act  are: — i.  Preliminary  declaration  three 
years  before  admission  (modified  in  some  cases)  ;  2. 
Proof  of  five  years'  residence  in  the  United  States 
and  one  year's  residence  in  the   state  ;    3.   Proof  of 


The  Political  Effects  of  iDivtigration.  83 

good  conduct,  attachment  to  the  principles  of  the 
constitution,  etc. ;  4.  Renunciation  of  any  title  of 
nobility  ;  5.  Declaration,  on  oath  or  affirmation,  that 
he  (the  person  desiring  admission)  will  support  the 
constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  that  he 
abjures  his  former  allegiance.  The  evident  inten- 
tion of  this  act  was  to  admit  all  persons  of  good 
character,  who  came  to  this  country  with  the  inten- 
tion of  staying  here,  to  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of 
American  citizens.  We  have  in  fact  gone  so  far  as 
to  advocate  expatriation  as  a  natural  right  against 
the  law  of  all  European  states,  including  the  common 
law  of  England,  and  we  have  effectually  protected 
the  rights  of  naturalized  citizens  of  the  United  States 
by  the  expatriation  treaties  of  1868  and  the  following 
years. 

But  the  curious  thing  is  that  in  practice  the  test 
provided  and  the  proof  required  in  regard  to  good 
conduct  and  attachment  to  the  principles  of  the 
constitution  have  become  a  dead  letter.  The  courts 
have  made  them  a  merely  formal  matter,  and  any 
alien  who  has  been  here  the  required  length  of  time 
and  complied  with  the  requirement  as  to  previous 
declaration  of  intention,  and  who  can  bring  one  or 
two  persons  who  will  say  that  he  is  of  good  char- 
acter, is  at  once  admitted  to  citizenship.  In  the 
enormous  number  of  applicants  every  year,  it  would 
be   impossible  for  the   court    to    test    the    character 


84  Emigration  arid  Innnigratiojt. 

of  each  very  thoroughly ;  but  it  seems  to  have 
become  the  custom  not  to  attempt  any  such  exami- 
nation, the  court  contenting  itself  with  the  formal 
procedure  noted  above.  In  some  cases  the  clerk 
conducts  the  examination,  while  the  court  is  busy 
with  other  matters.  Any  court,  either  state  or  fed- 
eral, can  naturalize  aliens,  so  that  the  states  have 
authority  over  this  matter  which  is  of  national  im- 
portance. So  also  the  right  to  exercise  the  suffrage 
does  not  depend  upon  naturalization,  although  it  gen- 
erally accompanies  it,  but  is  determined  by  state  legis- 
lation. In  fourteen  states  the  foreigner  is  allowed  to 
vote  for  members  of  the  state  legislature,  and  conse- 
quently for  members  of  Congress,  after  he  has  de- 
clared his  intention  of  becoming  naturalized,  although 
he  has  never  applied  for  naturalization  and  never 
may.  In  some  states  only  one  year's  residence  is 
required  and  that  need  not  be  the  year  previous  to 
naturalization.  Often  the  applicant  can  neither  read 
nor  write.  What  can  he  know  about  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States .''  ^ 

We  are  thus  conferring  the  privilege  of  citizenship, 
including  the  right  to  vote,  without  any  test  of  the 
man's  fitness  for  it.  There  seems  to  be  no  reason 
why  we  should  not  make  the  test  a  real  one,  and 
unhesitatingly  reject  those  who    through  ignorance 

1  Justice  William  Strong  in  the  North  American  Review,  vol.  i38, 
p.  418  (1884). 


TJie  Political  Effects  of  Immigration.  85 

or  depravity  are  unfit  for  the  exercise  of  political 
riirhts.  One  or  two  recent  court  decisions  show  a 
tendency  on  the  part  of  the  judges  to  carry  out  the 
spirit  of  the  statute  instead  of  complying  simply  with 
the  letter.i 

1  One  of  these  decisions  was  rendered  by  Judge  Daniels  of  tlie  New 
Yorlc  Supreme  Court.  Upon  a  close  examination  of  an  applicant  for 
naturalization  before  him  and  the  usual  witnesses,  the  fact  was  brought 
out  that  the  applicant  was  in  the  habit  of  becoming  intoxicated  at 
no  great  recurring  intervals  of  time,  and  while  in  that  condition  of 
abusing  his  wife  and  family,  and  that  he  had  on  several  occasions  been 
arrested  and  punished  therefor.  Judge  Daniels  refused  the  application 
for  naturalization  on  the  ground  that  the  applicant  was  not  proved  to 
have  behaved  as  a  man  of  good  moral  character,  well  disposed  to  the 
good  order  and  happiness  of  the  United  States  as  required  by  the 
United  States  Revised  Statutes.  He  said :  "  This  privilege  of  citizen- 
ship has  been  provided  as  a  reward  for  good  behavior  and  demon- 
strated attachment  to  the  principles  of  free  government.  The  design 
of  the  law  is,  in  great  part,  certainly  to  induce  and  secure  the  co- 
operation of  all  the  persons  residing  in  the  United  States  in  support- 
ing the  laws  and  Constitution  of  the  country.  But  this  fidelity  to  its 
interests  and  progress  is  not  to  be  expected  from  and  will  not  be  sup- 
plied by  disorderly  and  dissipated  persons.  Reliance  cannot  be  placed 
upon  them  for  the  support  of  tlie  principles  of  free  government  or  the 
enforcement  of  good  order  or  the  laws  enacted  to  secure  and  promote  it. 
They  cannot  therefore  be  held  to  be  persons  who  have  behaved  them- 
selves as  persons  of  good  moral  character,  and  without  that  they  are  not 
permitted  by  the  statutes  to  become  citizens  of  the  United  States."  In 
another  case  which  came  up  in  the  Philadelphia  Court  of  Common 
Pleas  the  applicant,  a  Hungarian,  when  asked  to  take  the  oath  of 
allegiance  declared  that  he  did  not  believe  in  a  deity  of  any  kind  and 
that  he  neither  swore  nor  affirmed.  His  application  was  refused.  Both 
these  decisions  seem  to  manifest  a  tendency  on  the  part  of  the  courts 
to  scrutinize  more  closely  the  qualifications  of  foreigners  for  naturali- 
zation.     Bradstreet's,  September  29,  18S8. 


86  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

One  consequence  of  the  admission  of  tliis  mass  of 
foreigners  to  political  power  before  they  have  become 
thoroughly  assimilated  with  our  body  politic  is  seen 
in  the  attempt  to  win  the  foreign  (particularly  the 
Irish  and  German)  vote.  These  naturalized  citizens 
retain  certain  prejudices  in  respect  to  their  old 
home,  or  have  ideas  not  in  unison  with  those  of  the 
mass  of  American  citizens  about  them.  The  Irish 
demand  that  we  shall  conduct  our  foreign  policy 
according  to  the  relations  of  England  to  Ireland,  and 
that  we  shall  protect  naturalized  citizens  in  acts  hos- 
tile to  a  power  with  which  we  are  on  terms  of  friend- 
ship. Politicians  yield  to  these  prejudices,  and  our 
politics  are  debauched  by  the  attempt  to  win  these 
votes.  The  German  vote  in  many  localities  con- 
trols the  action  of  political  leaders  on  the  liquor 
question,  oftentimes  being  in  opposition  to  the  sen- 
timent of  the  native  community.  It  is  a  bad  thing 
that  our  political  life  should  be  controlled  by  the 
prejudices  of  a  single  nationality  of  newly  arrived 
immigrants.  It  prevents  questions  being  decided  on 
their  merits.  It  introduces  motives  which  have  noth- 
ing to  do  with  the  question  of  the  prosperity  and 
the  advantage  of  the  country  at  large.  It  is  possible 
that  one  might  include  here  the  jDower  exercised 
in  our  politics  by  the  Roman  Catholic  church,  based 
on  this  power  of  suffrage  vested  in  persons  who  vote 
according  to  the  commands  of  the  priests.      It  is  not 


TJic  Political  Effects  of  Inunigmtion.  Sj 

easy  to  trace  this  out  closely,  but  there  is  no  doubt 
that  such  power  has  been  exercised  in  times  past  in 
the  state  of  New  York  for  the  purpose  of  getting 
public  money  and  lands  for  church  purposes.  Resi- 
dence in  this  country  seems  to  weaken  the  hold  of 
the  church  on  its  male  members.  But  the  mischief 
is  done  by  admitting  these  men  to  vote  before  the 
solvent  power  of  American  life  has  had  time  to 
loosen  the  bonds  of  priestly  authority,  and  before 
they  have  absorbed  our  notions  of  freedom  of  con- 
science and  absolute  separation  of  church  and  state. 
There  would  have  been  no  trouble  as  it  is,  if  it  had 
not  been  for  the  increasing  number  of  immigrants, 
which  makes  this  uneducated  and  un-American  vote 
sa  powerful.  The  combination  of  the  number  and 
the  docility  of  this  vote  makes  it  dangerous  to  our 
institutions. 

The  bad  influence   of   a   purely  ignorant  vote  is 
/'  seen  in  the  degradation  of   our  municipal  adminis- 
.^^       trations  in  America.      The  foreign  born  congregate 
^^ — in  the  large  cities,  especially  the  mass  of  unskilled 
/     laborers.     There  they  easily  come  under  the  control 
'       of  leaders  of  their  own  nation  who  use  their  voting 
power  for  the  purpose  of  getting  possession  of  the 
city  government  and  administering  it   for  the   sake 
of  the  money  to  be  made  out  of  it.     Places  in  the 
municipal     service    are     filled   with    political    work- 
ers,  and   city   contracts  are  jobbed    out  to    political 


88  Emigration  and  hnviigration. 

supporters.  This  indirect  bribery  rapidly  develops 
into  direct  buying  of  votes  at  the  polls.  The  evil 
does  not  stop  with  a  bad  and  extravagant  adminis- 
tration of  city  affairs.  State  elections  and  even 
national  issues  become  entangled  in  the  same  vicious 
connection,  until  the  highest  officers  of  the  national 
government  may  owe  their  election  to  some  corrupt 
municipal  leader  and  be  obliged  to  acknowledge  the 
obligation  and  cancel  it  by  appointments  to  office  after 
election. 

Another  indication  of  the  unfortunate  effect  of 
introducing  so  many  men  of  foreign  birth  and 
behef  into  our  social  body  is  seen  in  the  recent  out- 
breaks of  anarchism  and  socialism.  These  move- 
ments are  always  led  and  for  the  most  part  carried 
on  by  persons  of  foreign  birth.  Socialism  and  an- 
archism are  not  plants  of  American  growth  nor  of 
Anglo-Saxon  origin.  They  are  not  natural  to  the 
American  mind  ;  neither  are  they  due  to  any  deterio- 
ration in  the  condition  of  the  laboring  class  in  this 
country,  and  thus  the  fruit  of  despair  and  hopeless- 
ness in  regard  to  the  future.  They  are  the  importa- 
tions of  foreign  agitators  who  come  here  for  the 
purpose  of  making  converts  to  their  doctrines.  These 
men  are  under  false  impressions  as  to  the  rights  of 
liberty  which  they  shall  enjoy  here,  and  they  interpret 
the  freedom  of  agitation  and  of  speech  which  we 
allow  them  as  evidences  of  the  weakness  of  our  gov- 


The  Political  Effects  if  Immigmtioi.  89 

ernmcnt.  And  in  fact  wc  have  so  long  been  accus- 
tomed to  permit  the  individual  to  air  his  grievances, 
depending  upon  the  common-sense  of  the  mass  of  the 
people  to  distinguish  the  true  from  the  false,  that 
we  are  ill  prepared  to  cope  with  men  who  do  not  hes- 
itate to  resort  to  conspiracy  and  revolutionary  vio- 
lence. We  have  been  accustomed  to  rely  upon  the 
general  respect  for  law  which  prevails  in  a  democracy 
where  the  law  is  the  rule  of  the  majority.  In  these 
agitators  we  have  characters  of  a  different  stamp, 
men  who  use  freedom  for  the  purpose  of  conspiring 
social   revolution  by  violence. 

These  outbreaks  have  a  grave  significance  in  an-  \ 
other  respect.  They  indicate  a  change  of  sentiment  \ 
towards  the  institutions  of  this  country.  In  former 
times, — thirty  or  forty  years  ago, — the  immigrants  V 
regarded  our  republic  as  the  model  of  a  free  gov- 
ernment. They  rejoiced  in  their  escape  from  the 
monarchies  of  Europe,  and  came  here  enthusiastic 
for  democratic  institutions.  To-day  the  socialist  and 
the  anarchist  look  upon  the  republic  as  entirely  in- 
adequate to  fulfil  their  ideal  of  what  a  state  ought 
to  be.  They  are  as  far  in  advance  of  us  as  we 
have  supposed  ourselves  to  be  in  advance  of  the 
absolute  monarchy.  They  desire  the  overthrow  of 
all  social  institutions,  of  state,  of  property,  of  inher- 
itance, of  marriage  and  of  religion.  Their  views  are 
incompatible  with  social  and  political  institutions  as 


/ 


90  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

we  regard  them.  There  is  and  must  be  an  irrecon- 
cilable conflict  between  their  success  and  the  main- 
tenance of  existing  civilization.  The  two  cannot  live 
together. 

But  however  willing  we  may  be  to  acquiesce  in 
reform  and  modification  of  institutions  in  order  to 
meet  the  changing  conditions  of  the  age,  yet  there 
are  certain  "fundamentals"  in  every  social  system, 
to  destroy  which  destroys  the  system  itself.  Our 
institutions  have  grown  up  with  us  and  are  adapted 
to  our  national  character  and  needs.  To  change 
them  in  accordance  with  the  demands  of  agitators 
who  have  no  knowledge  of  that  character  and  those 
needs  would  be  absurd  and  destructive.  It  is  putting 
politics  on  the  worst  of  all  "a  priori"  bases.  It  is 
neglecting  all  the  teachings  of  experience  and  adopt- 
ing the  theoretical  views  of  men  of  another  civiliza- 
tion, brought  up  under  the  influence  of  other  ideas. 
Most  of  these  men  have  been  trained  under  the 
paternal  system  of  governmental  restraint  and  super- 
vision of  the  actions  of  the  individual.  They  have 
no  idea  of  the  independence  and  self-reliance  of  the 
American  character,  the  result  of  many  years  of 
self-government  and  taking  care  of  one's  self.  The 
economic  and  political  philosophy  adapted  to  them 
is  entirely  different  from  that  adapted  to  an  English- 
speaking  race. 

But  these  men,  ignorant  of  our  institutions,  hostile 


The  Political  Effects  of  Immigration.  91 

to  them  and  plotting  their  overthrow,  we  not  only 
admit  freely  to  the  country  but  grant  to  them  free- 
dom of  speech  and  of  meeting,  and  in  a  few  years 
invite  then-i  to  share  in  political  power.  It  cannot 
be  but  that  we  should  feel  the  effect  on  the  smooth 
working  of  democratic  institutions  which  have  for 
their  pre-condition  the  understanding  that  the  mass 
of  the  community  are  in  favor  of  them  and  are  satis- 
fied with  them.  Even  if  we  admit  these  men  to  the 
country  they  should  be  held  responsible  before  the 
criminal  law ;  and  there  is  absolutely  no  need  that 
they  should  be  given  a  share  in  that  government 
which  they  do  not  understand,  and  which  not  under- 
standing they  pretend  to  despise  and  condemn.^ 

^  Prof.  James  Bryce  in  his  American  Commonwealth  thinks  that 
immigration  "  is  not  so  largely  answerable  for  the  faults  of  American 
politics  as  the  stranger  might  be  led  by  the  language  of  many  Ameri- 
cans to  believe.  .  .  ,  The  cities  have  no  doubt  suffered  from  the  immi- 
grant vote.  But  New  York  was  not  an  Eden  before  the  Irish  came; 
and  would  not  become  an  Eden  were  they  all  to  move  on  to  San  Fran- 
cisco." Vol.  2,  p.  261.  Yet  Mr.  Bryce  speaks  in  many  places  of  the 
strain  put  on  political  institutions  by  this  constant  immigration;  for 
instance :  "  The  immigrants  vote,  .  .  .  but  they  are  not  fit  for  the  suf- 
frage. They  know  nothing  of  the  institutions  of  the  country,  of  its 
statesmen,  of  its  political  issues.  Neither  from  Germany  nor  from 
Ireland  do  they  bring  much  knowledge  of  the  methods  of  free  govern- 
ment. .  .  .  Such  a  sacrifice  of  common  sense  to  abstract  principles 
has  seldom  been  made  by  any  country.  ...  A  stranger  must  not 
presume  to  say  that  the  Americans  have  been  imprudent,  but  he  may 
doubt  whether  the  possible  ultimate  gain  compensates  the  direct  and 
certain  danger."  Vol.  2,  p.  67,  See  also  pp.  260,  261,  267,  270,  328, 
and  710. 


92  Emigration  mid  Immigration. 

It  is  in  these  respects  that  unrestricted  immigra- 
tion is  affecting  our  political  life.  Years  ago  when 
the  annual  arrivals  were  small  and  the  total  number 
of  foreigners  insignificant  compared  with  the  native 
population,  the  strain  was  not  felt.  But  as  the  num- 
ber has  increased  and  the  character  of  the  additions 
to  the  electorate  has  not  improved  but  deteriorated, 
and  as  this  hostility  to  our  social  institutions  has 
displayed  itself,  the  strain  has  become  increasingly 
difficult  to  bear.  It  is  a  serious  question  how  long 
democratic  institutions  can  stand  such  a  test.  The 
demand  of  the  individual  for  privileges  and  enjoy- 
ments is  becoming  more  and  more  vociferous.  The 
dutv  of  the  individual  to  the  social  organization  and 
his  obligation  to  the  social  order  become  less  and 
less  emphasized,  until  it  appears  as  if  all  political  life 
were  about  to  resolve  itself  into  a  selfish  struggle  for 
personal  advantage.  We  have  not  simplified  but 
enormously  complicated  the  evolution  of  our  social 
life  by  the  addition  of  so  many  heterogeneous  and 
discordant  elements. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

THE    ECONOMIC    GAIN    BY    IMMIGRATION. ^ 

Unrestricted  immigration  has  been  defended  on 
two  grounds  —  the  one  ideal,  the  other  practical. 
Freedom  of  migration  is  sometimes  asserted  to  be  a 
natural  right  of  man,  or  at  least  one  of  the  products 
of  political  liberty  with  which  we  have  no  business 
to  interfere.  Coupled  with  this  argument  the  notion 
frequently  appears  that  this  country  was  destined  to 
be  an  asylum  for  the  oppressed  of  all  nations,  and 
that  to  restrict  their  coming  would  be  to  prove  faith- 
less to  our  duty.  On  the  other  hand,  perfect  freedom 
of  immigration  has  been  defended  and  encouraged  on 
the  ground  of  the  immense  economic  advantage  of 
this  constant  addition  to  the  labor  force  of  the  com- 
munity. It  is  proposed  to  deal  in  this  chapter  with 
the  second  of  these  considerations. 

It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  the  wonderful 
growth  of  this  country  is  due  in  large  measure  to  the 
constant  additions  to  our  productive  laboring  popu- 
lation by  immigration.      Thereby  we  have  been  en- 

^  A  portion  of  this  chapter  has  already  been  printed  in  the  Political 
Science  Quarterly  for  June,  i88S. 

93 


94  Einigratio7i  and  Immigration. 

abled  to  occupy  and  settle  the  lands  of  the  West.  It 
is  true  that  the  immigrants  do  not  take  to  agricul- 
ture as  readily  as  they  do  to  mining  and  mechanical 
industries,  possibly  on  account  of  the  capital  required 
to  purchase  and  stock  a  farm,  but  they  are  found  in 
large  numbers  engaged  as  agricultural  laborers  and 
in  kindred  occupations.  The  census  of  1880  re- 
turned nearly  800,000  persons  of  foreign  birth  as 
engaged  in  agriculture,  over  ten  per  cent  of  the  whole 
number  so  engaged.  In  the  Western  States  the  pro- 
portion is  much  larger.  In  Minnesota,  for  instance, 
over  one-half  of  those  engaged  in  agriculture  were  of 
foreign  birth.  In  the  state  of  Michigan  in  1887, 
according  to  an  investigation  by  the  bureau  of  labor 
statistics,  of  some  90,000  farmers  in  that  state  over 
one-third  were  of  foreign  birth.  In  all  the  Western 
States  there  are  communities  composed  entirely  of 
immigrants  and  their  descendants.  The  Scandina- 
vians, especially,  take  to  farming ;  and  large  num- 
bers of  British  Americans  are  engaged  in  the  lumber 
industry. 

The  exploitation  of  our  mineral  wealth  has  been 
due  largely  to  the  immigrants,  —  over  one-half  of  the 
men  employed  in  mining  in  1880  being  persons  of 
foreign  birth.  It  is  this  unskilled  but  hardy  labor 
that  has  enabled  us  to  open  up  our  immense  country 
with  railroads  ;  and  over  one-quarter  of  the  employees 
of  these  railroads  at  the  present  time  are  of  foreign 


The  Economic  Gain  by  Immigration.  95 

birth.     It  IS  scarcely  possible  to  see  how  we  could 
have  accomplished  this  work  without  immigration. 

So  also  after  the  country  has  been  opened  up,  it  is 
the  foreign  born  who  have  aided  in  its  development 
by  working  in  factories  and  in  mechanical  industries 
of  all  sorts,  besides  furnishing  us  with  domestic  ser- 
vants.    Nearly  one-third  of  all  the  persons  engaged 
in  manufacturing,  mechanical  and  mining  industries 
in  1880  were  of  foreign  birth.     In  our  cotton  mills, 
45  per  cent  of  the  operatives  were  of  foreign  birth  ; 
in  our  woollen  mills,  39  per  cent ;  in  our  paper  mills, 
33   per  cent ;    in  our  iron  and  steel  works,  36  per 
cent ;   among   our   curriers  and  leather  dressers,  45 
per  cent ;  among  our  engineers  and  firemen,  27  per 
cent  ;  and  so  on  through  almost  the  entire  list  of  fac- 
tory operatives.    Even  in  the  small  mechanical  trades 
we  are  dependent  on  the  foreign  born.     Among  our 
bakers    56   per   cent  are  foreign  born ;   among  our 
blacksmiths,  27  per  cent  ;  among  our  boot  and  shoe- 
makers, 36  per  cent ;    among  our   butchers,  38  per 
cent ;  among  the  carpenters  and  joiners,  23  per  cent ; 
among  the  cigar  makers,  44   per   cent ;    among  the 
coopers,   33  per  cent  ;    among   the  masons,   35   per 
cent ;  among  the  plasterers,  27  per  cent,  etc.     Many 
of  these  crafts  have  gone  very  largely  into  the  hands 
of  foreigners. 1 

In  many  of  the  Western  States  nearly  one-half  of 

1  Tenth  Census  of  the  United  States,  vol.  2,  Manufactures. 


96  Emigration  and  Immigratioti. 

all  the  persons  engaged  in  manufacturing,  mechani- 
cal and  mining  industries  are  of  foreign  birth  ;  for 
instance,  in  Minnesota,  47.5  per  cent;  in  Wisconsin, 
48.8  per  cent;  in  Illinois,  43.3  per  cent;  in  Michigan, 
43.4  per  cent,  etc.  In  the  heavily  manufacturing 
states  of  the  East  even,  the  number  of  employees 
of  foreign  birth  is  extremely  large.  In  Massachu- 
setts it  was  35.6  per  cent;  in  Rhode  Island,  39.1  per 
cent  ;  in  New  York,  38.7  per  cent ;  and  in  Connecti- 
cut, 32.4  per  cent. 

The  census  of  1880  showed  a  great  army  of  work- 
ers who  were  born  abroad  engaged  in  adding  to  the 
wealth  of  the  United  States.  There  were  over  a 
million  Germans,  nearly  a  million  Irish,  four  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  British,  three  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  British  Americans,  two  hundred  thousand 
Scandinavians,  and  four  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
foreigners  of  other  nationalities.  We  may  well  ask 
what  we  should  have  done  and  what  we  should  now 
do  if  it  were  not  for  these  workers.  It  must  also 
be  remembered  that  there  are  thousands  of  laborers 
who  are  the  children  of  immigrants,  who  are  not 
included  in  these  figures. 

While  admitting  that  immigration  has  been  one 
of  the  most  important  factors  in  our  past  develop- 
ment and  that  without  it  our  national  progress  would 
certainly  have  been  much  slower,  yet  it  does  not 
follow  that  further  immigration  is  necessary  or  even 


TJie  Economic  Gain  by  Immigration.  97 

a  distinct  economic  gain.  In  former  times,  with  our 
undeveloped  resources  and  our  unoccupied  territory, 
any  addition  to  our  labor  force  of  whatever  character 
was  a  distinct  gain.  Now,  however,  we  are  beyond 
that  first  necessity.  We  have  a  population  of  sixty 
millions,  the  natural  increase  of  which  must  be 
between  a  million  and  a  million  and  a  half  a  year ; 
this  would  seem  to  be  quite  sufficient  to  give  us 
additional  labor  force  as  it  is  needed. 

It  behooves  us,  therefore,  to  consider  more  care- 
fully the  exact  economic  gain  by  immigration  under 
our  present  conditions,  when  we  do  not  absolutely 
need  the  immigrants  and  can  exercise  some  freedom 
of  choice  in  admitting  them.  It  is  not  good  states- 
manship nor  good  political  science  to  go  on  trusting 
to  the  generalizations  of  a  quarter  or  a  half  a  century 
ago  when  conditions  were  entirely  different. 

The  economic  gain  to  us  by  immigration  is  of  two,, 
kinds.     First  there  is  the  money  or  capital  which  the 
immigrants  bring  with  them ;  and  secondly  there  is 
the  economic  value  of  the  immigrants  themselves.     Is 
it  possible  to  calculate  what  these  items  amount  to  .■* 

The  immigrants  bring  with  them  a  considerable 
amount  of  money.  Each  one  sells  what  he  has  in 
the  old  country,  and  brings  the  proceeds  in  the  shape 
of  gold  or  drafts  or  goods  to  be  invested  in  the  new. 
In  this  way  there  is  a  constant  stream  of  capital 
flowing   from    Europe   to  the  United   States  which 


98  Emigration  and  Inimigratioji. 

never  appears  in  the  statistics  of  imports,  and  which 
has  to  be  offset  by  no  exports.  This  is  a  clear 
economic  gain,  and  when  the  immigration  is  heavy 
this  invisible  supply  of  wealth  is  very  considerable 
and  adds  to  our  general  prosperity.  Various  attempts 
have  been  made  to  ascertain  how  much  this  sum 
amounts  to.  In  1856  the  immigrants  who  landed  at 
the  port  of  New  York  were  asked  how  much  money 
they  had  with  them,  and  the  average  was  $68.08  per 
capita.  It  was  said  at  the  time  that  this  amount  was 
probably  too  small,  because  many  of  the  immigrants 
would  suspect  that  the  question  was  asked  from 
some  fiscal  motive  and  would  put  the  amount  too 
low.  Mr.  Friedrich  Kapp,  one  of  the  commissioners 
of  emigration,  estimated  that  the  amount  brought  by 
each  immigrant  was  at  least  $100.  This  would  indi- 
cate that  there  was  an  annual  movement  of  thirty  or 
forty  or  fifty  millions  of  gold  to  this  country,  which 
did  not  appear  in  the  balance  of  trade  —  no  inconsid- 
erable sum.  At  the  present  time  Kapp's  estimate  is 
probably  too  large.  Our  immigrants  come  more  and 
more  from  the  poorer  classes  of  society,  so  that  the 
sum  per  capita  brought  in  1856  is  probably  no  longer 
brought.  We  have  some  German  estimates  which 
indicate  a  smaller  sum ;  and  whatever  the  Germans 
bring,  it  is  probable  that  the  Irish,  the  Italians,  the 
Hungarians,  etc.,  bring  still  less.    The  latest  German 


TJie  Economic  Gain  by  Iviviigration.  99 

authority  1  estimates  that  the  emigrants  take  with 
them  from  300  to  400  marks  each,  that  is  from  ^75 
to  ^100.  An  Itahan  able  to  raise  that  sum  of  money 
for  each  member  of  his  family  would  never  think  of 
leaving  home. 

It  must  be  granted,  however,  that  the  immigrants 
do  bring  with  them  a  certain  amount  of  wealth, 
although  that  amount  is  probably  not  very  large  at 
the  present  time.  Against  this,  two  things  are  to 
be  taken  into  consideration.  One  is  that  the  inflow 
of  gold  into  this  country  is  offset  by  the  outflow  due 
to  remittances  to  friends  abroad.  These  remittances 
are  either  for  the  purpose  of  supporting  those  who 
have  been  left  behind,  or  of  paying  their  passage  to 
this  country.  Their  exact  amount  has  never  been 
ascertained,  as  they  go  for  the  most  part  through  the 
hands  of  private  bankers  or  steamship  companies. 
The  British  Board  of  Trade  printed,  for  many  years, 
in  the  "  Statistical  Tables  relating  to  Emigration 
and  Immigration  from  and  into  the  United  King- 
dom," a  table  of  the  amount  of  such  remittances, 
furnished  through  the  courtesy  of  certain  bankers 
and  mercantile  houses.  The  tables  are  not  at  all 
complete,  for  there  is  no  means  of  ascertaining 
the  amount  transmitted  through  private  parties,  and 

^  Becker,  Unsere  Verlustc  durch  Wanderung,  in  Schmoller's  Jahr- 
bucher,  XI,  S.  776. 


lOO  Emigration  atid  Immigration. 

firms  unwilling  to  make  a  return.^  Since  1848  no 
less  than  ;^32,294,596  have  been  thus  sent  back 
by  settlers  in  the  United  States  and  British  North 
America.  In  the  year  1886  the  amount  was  ^1,276,- 
033.  The  number  of  emigrants  of  British  and  Irish 
origin  going  to  the  United  States  and  British  North 
America  during  that  year  was  177,455,  so  that  in 
place  of  the  money  each  emigrant  took  out  with  him 
we  know  that  a  sum  equal  to  $35  was  returned.  We 
must  alscf  remember  that  there  is  a  tide  of  returning 
immigration.  Many  of  the  emigrants,  after  they  have 
acquired  what  to  them  is  a  competence,  return  to 
pass  the  remainder  of  their  days  in  the  old  country. 
All  these  returning  emigrants  carry  money  with 
them,  and  often,  doubtless,  large  sums.  Thus  in 
1886  there  were  not  less  than  60,076  persons  of 
British  and  Irish  origin  who  returned  to  the  United 
Kingdom  from  the  United  States  and  British  North 
America.  This  would  leave  a  net  emigration  of 
117,379,  and  the  money  taken  by  each  of  these 
emigrants  would  be  offset  by  a  known  sum  of  $52.84. 
Is  it  not  probable  that  the  balance  is  against  the 
United  States.? 2 

There  is  one  other  way  of  looking  at  this  matter, 

1  These  tables  were  discontinued  in  1888  for  that  reason. 

2  "  Dr.  Tuke  affirms  that  the  amount  sent  to  Ireland  by  emigrants 
every  year  exceeds  the  total  yearly  cost  of  poor  relief  in  Ireland. 
And  in  England  too  we  know  that  many  old  people  are  maintained 


TJie  Economic  Gain  by  Immigration.         loi 

when  one  is  inclined  to  regard  every  dollar  of  money 
that  the  immigrants  bring  with  them  as  so  much  gain 
to  the  United  States.  This  has  been  suggested  by 
the  efforts  of  a  German  statistician  to  prove  that  the 
loss  by  emigration  is  not  so  great  as  it  seems  to  be. 
Dr.  Becker^  remarks  that  when  an  emigrant  takes 
300  or  400  marks  out  of  the  country  with  him,  he  is 
not  really  taking  his  share  of  the  national  fortune. 
The  per  capita  wealth  of  Germany  is  at  least  3000  or 
4000  marks,  so  that  the  sum  each  emigrant  takes  with 
him  is  only  one-tenth  part  of  the  average  national 
wealth.  So  long  as  emigration  does  not  cripple  the 
power  of  production,  it  simply  leaves  a  proportion- 
ately larger  share  of  the  national  wealth  for  every 
one  who  remains.  If  we  turn  to  this  country  we 
shall  meet  the  reverse  phenomenon.  The  average 
wealth  in  this  country  must  be  at  least  ^1000  per 
capita.  What  does  it  mean  when  we  add  to  the 
number  of  our  citizens  thousands  who  possess  only 
$100  each  }  Is  the  country  by  that  fact  alone  better 
or  worse  off .-'  The  sum  total  of  wealth  has  been 
increased,  but  the  average  well-being  of  the  commun- 
ity has  been  decreased.     These  men  add  to  the  cost 

out  of  the  savings  of  their  descendants  in  the  colonies."  Lord  Monks- 
well  in  The  Fortnightly  Review,  March,  1888. 

The  Italian  Vice-Consul  at  New  York  reported  that  $4,825,000  had 
been  sent  to  Italy  from  the  United  States  alone,  in  1883.  Rosmini  in 
II  Giornale  degli  Economisti,  July,  1 888. 

^  In  the  article  cited  above. 


102  Emigration  and  Immigratioti. 

of  the  social  organization,  while  they  do  not  bring 
the  property  which  is  to  pay  the  taxes  to  defray  the 
expenses  of  such  organization.  In  a  club  there  is 
always  an  initiation  fee  tor  new  members  ;  and  as 
the  club  increases  m  prosperity  and  wealth  this  initi- 
ation fee  is  often  raised  with  the  pertectly  just  feel- 
ing that  it  is  worth  more  to  belong  to  the  club  now 
than  when  it  was  started.  It  will  be  said  that  the 
immigrant  gives  himself  to  the  new  country  and 
thus  pays  his  initiation  fee.  In  that  case  the  amount 
of  money  he  brings  with  him  is  utterly  insignificant. 
If  he  is  worth  having,  it  makes  but  little  difference 
whether  he  brings  money  with  him  or  not.  If  he 
is  not  worth  having,  the  paltry  sum  he  brings  does 
not  begin  to  pay  for  the  risk  of  receiving  him. 
-*' •  The  real  economic  gain  to  the  United  States  by 
immigration  consists  in  the  value  of  the  full-grown 
labor  supplied  to  it  by  the  countries  of  Europe. 
Every  person  passes  through  two  periods  of  life,  — 
that  of  unproductive  childhood  when  he  is  only  a 
burden  to  the  community,  and  that  of  productive 
manhood  when  he  not  only  supports  himself  but  re- 
imburses the  community  for  the  cost  of  bringing  him 
up.  The  longer  this  second  period  compared  with 
the  first,  the  better  for  the  community ;  for  the  total 
cost  of  the  unproductive  period  is  spread  over  a 
greater  number  of  years.  The  larger  the  number 
of  persons  in  this  second  period  compared  with  the 


TJie  Econo7nic  Gain  by  Immigratioji.         103 

first,  the  lighter  the  burden  upon  the  community ; 
for  it  is  shared  by  a  larger  number  of  persons.  Of 
the  immigrants  into  the  United  States,  about  20  per 
cent  arc  below  the  age  of  fifteen,  about  70  per  cent 
are  between  the  ages  of  fifteen  and  forty,  and  the 
remaining  10  ber  cent  are  above  the  age  of  forty.  In 
other  words,  four-fifths  of  the  immigrants  are  in  the 
second  period,  that  of  productive  manhood,  and  the 
great  mass  of  them  in  the  most  productive  part  ot 
that  period,  that  of  early  manhood.  These  tull- 
grown  laborers  have  been  brought  up  by  the  coun- 
tries of  Europe  and  then  presented  to  us  able  to  sup- 
port themselves  and  others.  When  one  considers 
that  the  main  effort  of  the  world,  after  all,  is  to  keep 
itself  alive  and  to  provide  a  future  generation  to  take 
the  place  of  the  present,  the  economic  value  of  such 
a  gift  is  enormous.  It  is  like  a  workman  having  the 
latest  and  best  tools  provided  for  him  without  ex- 
pense while  he  is  paid  for  the  increased  product  on 
the  same  basis  as  if  he  had  made  the  improvements. 

It  would  be  absurd  to  contend  that  such  a  move- 
ment as  we  have  depicted  —  the  bodily  transferrence 
of  such  a  labor  force  from  one  country  to  another  — 
has  no  economic  significance.  We  study  with  care 
the  statistics  of  imports  and  exports  ;  we  watch  with 
interest  the  movements  of  the  precious  metals  ;  we 
encourage  industry  by  artificial  tariff  regulations ; 
and  we  are  quite  sure  that  all  these  things  have  an 


I04  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

important  influence  on  the  prosperity  of  the  com- 
munity. Is  it  not  probable  that  this  shifting  of 
labor  is  as  important  in  its  influence  on  the  happi- 
ness of  the  community  as  the  balance  of  trade  or 
the  fluctuations  in  the  rate  of  discount  ?  No  one 
can  deny  that ;  but  it  is  necessary  that  we  take  care 
to  judge  this  influence  rightly  and  measure  its  force 
correctly 

Various  attempts  have  been  made  to  express  in 
figures  the  economic  value  of  the  immigrant.  The 
most  common  estimate  of  this  sort  and  the  one  most 
widely  known  is  due  to  Mr.  Friedrich  Kapp.^  He  val- 
ues the  immigrant  simply  at  the  cost  of  bringing  him 
up.  Kapp  found  an  old  estimate  of  Dr.  Ernst  Engel, 
the  head  of  the  Prussian  bureau  of  statistics,  that  the 
cost  of  bringing  up  a  child  in  Germany  was  $30.00 
a  year  for  the  first  five  years,  $37.50  a  year  for  the 
second  five  years,  and  $45.00  a  year  for  the  third  five 
years,  making  a  total  of  -$562.50  as  the  cost  of  bring- 
ing up  a  child  to  the  age  of  fifteen,  when  it  is  pre- 
sumably able  to  support  itself.  Kapp  said  that  it 
would  cost  at  least  double  that  to  bring  up  a  child 
in  the  United  States,  so  that  the  value  of  each  immi- 
grant above  the  age  of  fifteen  is  from  $1000  to  $1200. 
On  this  basis  the  money  value  of  the  immigration 
each  year  is  very  large.  In  the  year  1886,  for  in- 
stance, the  number  of  immigrants  above  the  age  of 

*  Kapp,  Immigration  and  the  New  York  Commissioners,  etc.,  p.  146. 


The  Economic  Gain  by  Immigration.         105 

fifteen  was  263,189.  Taking  them  at  the  German 
valuation  they  represent  a  sum  equal  to  nearly 
$150,000,000,  or  at  the  American  valuation  a  sum 
nearly  twice  that.  The  immigration  of  1886  was  not 
excessive,  —  in  fact  it  was  below  what  it  is  now,  so 
that  immigration  represents  hundreds  of  millions  of 
dollars  saved  to  the  United  States  each  year. 

It  is  easy  to  point  out  how  superficial  this  method 
of  estimate  is.  As  Riimelin  says,^  it  belongs  to  the 
half-truths  or  pseudo-truths  of  political  economy. 
The  worth  of  a  man  is  not  measured  by  the  cost  of 
bringing  him  up,  coupled  with  the  consideration 
whether  he  has  paid  this  cost  back  to  the  community. 
If  that  were  true,  a  man's  greatest  worth  would  be 
when  he  first  acquires  physical  strength ;  and  the 
experienced  man  of  forty  would  be  of  less  value  than 
the  raw  youth  of  eighteen.  Nor  is  every  man  worth 
the  cost  of  his  bringing  up.  Of  the  immigrants  into 
this  country,  some  are  already  disabled,  some  will  die 
in  a  few  years,  others  will  land  in  the  poor-house, 
and  still  others  will  be  found  in  our  asylums  and 
gaols,  an  absolute  burden  to  the  community  to  which 
they  are  said  to  be  worth  a  thousand  dollars  each. 
The  value  of  a  man  lies  in  his  capacity  and  character, 
not  in  what  it  has  cost  to  bring  him  up.  If  the  im- 
migrant finds  an  opportunity  to  exercise  the  talents 

1  Riimelin,  Beviilkerungslehre,  in  Schonberg's  Ilandbuch  der  Politi- 
schen  Ockonomie,  2  Ausg.  Bd.  2,  S.  916. 


io6  Emigratio7i  and  Immigration. 

he  possesses,  he  is  of  value  to  himself  and  to  the 
community  whether  he  has  cost  ^500  or  $1000  to 
bring  to  the  age  of  manhood.  If  he  is  a  vagabond, 
ignorant,  lazy,  or  vicious,  then  he  is  worse  than  of 
no  value  to  the  community  that  receives  him,  and 
the  country  that  has  gotten  rid  of  him  may  well  be 
congratulated  upon  losing  that  form  of  capital. 

This  way  of  looking  upon  the  cost  of  bringing  up 
children  as  an  investment  of  capital  is  wholly  falla- 
cious. The  cost  of  rearing  children  can  scarcely  be 
said  to  be  a  loss  of  capital.  It  is  true  that  they  have 
cost  the  parents  labor  and  sacrifice ;  but  the  sacrifice 
has  been  made  and  the  parents  are  in  the  same 
position  in  which  they  would  otherwise  have  been, 
save  that  they  have  worked  harder  and  have  not 
had  so  many  enjoyments  as  they  might  have  had. 
They  have  preferred  to  bring  up  the  children  in- 
stead. So  also  Kapp's  statement  that  it  costs  double 
to  bring  up  a  child  in  this  country  compared  with  the 
cost  of  bringing  it  up  in  Germany  is  in  one  sense 
true,  but  in  another  sense  it  shows  the  fallacy  of  the 
whole  estimate.  The  reason  why  it  costs  double  in 
this  country  is  because  we  are  so  well  off  that  we 
spend  more  on  our  children.  We  are  so  well  off  that 
we  can  afford  to  have  children  and  to  bring  them  up 
in  an  expensive  way.  That  is  the  reason  why  our 
ancestors  had  such  large  families  in  the  early  days  of 
the  republic.     Our  forefathers  were  not  wasting  their 


The  Econo7nic  Gain   by  hnmigration.         107 

capital,  neither  were  they  making  an  investment  of 
capital ;  they  were  simply  marrying  and  having  large 
families  because  they  were  well-to-do.  It  is  not  to 
be  looked  upon  as  a  matter  of  dollars  and  cents.  It 
is  a  good  thing,  socially  and  morally,  that  men  should 
have  children  and  rear  them.  This  forms  the  family 
tie  and  keeps  up  the  continuity  of  social  habits  and 
traditions.  If  we  could  take  our  children  at  birth 
and  send  them  over  to  Europe  and  have  them 
brought  up  as  German  peasants  or  Irish  cottiers 
or  Italian  lazzaroni  at  little  or  no  expense,  —  would 
it  pay  us  to  do  it  .? 

A  second  method  of  estimating  the  economic  value 
of  the  immigrant  is  to  say  that  he  should  be  val- 
ued in  the  same  way  as  a  slave.  Whatever  may  be 
the  character  of  the  immigrants,  —  it  is  argued,  — 
whether  they  come  from  the  upper  or  the  lower 
classes  of  society,  whether  they  are  desirable  addi- 
tions to  the  political  and  social  elements  in  our  coun- 
try or  not,  whether  they  are  ignorant  or  intelligent, 
skilled  or  unskilled,  —  they  do  represent  a  certain 
amount  of  brute  force.  There  are  a  certain  number 
of  able-bodied  laborers  landed  on  our  shores  and 
prepared  to  do  the  rough  work  which  we  have  to 
do.  They  certainly  possess  the  value  of  the  slave 
who  was  also  ignorant,  unskilled  and  often  degraded. 
The  value  of  a  slave  before  the  war  was  perhaps 
or    ^1000.      Every    able-bodied    immigrant    is 


io8  Emigratio7i  and  Immigration. 

worth  at  least  that,  and  may  be  worth  more  if  he 
is  a  skilled  laborer. 

The  fallacy  is  very  similar  to  that  exposed  above, 
—  namely,  that  of  looking  upon  the  man  as  an  invest- 
ment of  capital.  The  slave  is  an  investment  of  cap- 
ital. He  can  be  made  to  do  a  certain  amount  of 
unskilled  labor  by  fear  of  the  lash.  He  can  be  fed 
and  clothed  in  the  cheapest  possible  way,  so  as  to 
make  the  net  return  from  his  labor  as  great  as  possi- 
ble. If  he  is  not  profitable  in  one  employment  he 
can  be  turned  into  another,  and  if  he  ceases  to  be  of 
value  in  one  part  of  the  country  he  can  be  sold  into 
another  part.  As  a  last  resort,  if  it  does  not  pay  to 
support  him,  he  can  be  worked  to  death  and  his 
place  taken  by  new  purchases  or  importations  —  as 
was  said  to  be  the  policy  at  one  time  of  the  sugar 
planters  in  the  West  Indies,  who  found  it  more  profit- 
able to  work  their  slaves  hard  for  a  few  years  and 
then  import  new  ones,  than  to  keep  those  they  had 
in  good  condition. 

But  the  immigrant  is  no  slave.  He  is  a  free  man. 
He  works  or  not  as  he  pleases,  and  when  and  where 
he  pleases  or  chance  determines.  His  consumption 
is  regulated  only  by  his  own  desires  or  his  ability  to 
satisfy  those  desires.  It  may  be  prudent  and  eco- 
nomical ;  it  may  be  foolish,  wasteful  and  even  inju- 
rious. He  may  be  willing  to  work ;  he  may  be 
entirely  unwilling.     The  only  lash  is  that  of  hunger, 


The  Economic  Gain   by  Immigration.         109 

which  in  many  individual  cases  proves  utterly  in- 
effective. The  trouble  is  that  it  can  be  escaped  by 
stealing  or  begging.  To  compare  the  value  of  the 
immigrant  with  that  of  a  slave  is  to  say  that  the 
free  negroes  of  the  West  Indies  are  of  the  same  eco- 
nomic value  now  that  they  were  when  they  were 
slaves ;  while  the  fact  is  that  liberty  has  simply 
taught  them  not  to  labor.^ 

There  is,  now,  a  third  method  of  estimating  the 
economic  value  of  the  immigrant,  which  is  scientifi- 
cally correct  and  which  is  the  only  one  to  be  em- 
ployed if  we  are  determined  to  express  in  figures  the 
value  of  this  increase  of  our  labor  force.  The  value 
of  the  immigrant  depends  upon  the  amount  of  wealth 
he  will  add  to  the  community  before  he  dies.  From 
this  of  course  must  be  deducted  the  cost  of  maintain- 
ing; him  while  he  lives.  The  result  will  be  his  net 
earnings.  This,  capitalized  at  the  current  rate  of 
interest,  gives  us  the  present  value  of  the  man.  It 
is  exactly  on  the  principle  of  a  life  annuity.  To  cal- 
culate the  value  of  an  immigrant  you  must  know  his 
expectation  of  life,  his  earning  capacity  and  his  ex- 
penses or  the  cost  of  maintaining  him.  The  method 
is  not  easy  of  application,  for  we  do  not  possess  these 
data.     But  the  method  is  not  at  all  a  new  one  and 

1  See  Mr.  Froude's  doleful  account  of  the  condition  of  the  blacks 
in  the  West  Indies. 


no  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

some    applications    of    it    will    throw   light    on    our 
problem. 

Dr.  William  Farr,  for  so  many  years  the  head  of 
the  statistical  department  of  the  registrar  general's 
office  in  England,  in  a  paper  read  before  the  Lon- 
don statistical  society  in  1853  ^  gave  elaborate  tables 
showing  the  present  value  of  the  future  earnings  of 
an  agricultural  laborer,  his  future  cost  of  mainte- 
nance, and  the  value  of  the  excess,  which  is  the  eco- 
nomic value  of  the  man.  Thus,  at  the  age  of  twenty, 
the  value  of  an  agricultural  laborer's  future  wages  is 
£,0(^2  ;  the  value  of  the  necessary  cost  of  future 
maintenance  is  ^248 ;  and  the  net  value  of  his  ser- 
vices is  therefore  ;^234.  Or,  taking  the  whole  of 
the  male  agricultural  laborers  into  account  their 
mean  gross  value  was  ;^349 ;  the  mean  gross  value 
of  the  subsistence  of  the  laborer  as  child  and  man 
was  ;^I99,  leaving  ;!^i5o  as  the  net  value  of  agri- 
cultural laborers,  or  of  the  whole  male  population 
estimated  by  this  standard  of  the  agricultural  la- 
borer. To  extend  the  calculation  to  the  whole  popula- 
tion, including  females,  the  standard  might  be  lowered 
from  ;^I50  to  ;^iio.  In  the  thirty-ninth  report  of 
the  registrar  general  (1877)  Dr.  Farr  proceeds  to 
make  an  application  of  this  method  to  the  question 
of  the  loss  to  England  by  emigration.     He  says  :^ 

^  William  Farr,  Vital  Statistics,  p.  60. 
2  Ibid. 


TJie  Economic  Gain  by  Immigration.         1 1 1 

"  The  emigrants  are  chiefly  adults  married  and  unmarried  ;  the 
men  greatly  exceeding  the  women  in  number.  A  few  infants 
accompany  their  parents.  Valuing  the  emigrants  as  the  agricul- 
tural laborers  have  been  valued  at  home  —  taking  age  and  service 
into  account  —  the  value  of  the  emigrants  in  1876  was  ^175  per 
head. 

"  If  we  may  venture  to  apply  this  standard  to  the  whole  period 
it  will  follow  that  the  money  value  of  the  8,000,000  people  that 
left  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland  in  the  years  1837-1876  was 
1400  million  pounds  sterling  or  on  an  average  about  _£35, 000,000 
a  year." 

This  valuation,  $875  per  capita,  is  certainly  high 
enough  to  satisfy  the  most  ardent  advocate  of  im- 
migration. 

Recently  Dr.  Becker,^  the  head  of  the  German 
statistical  office,  has  used  the  same  method  in  esti- 
mating the  value  of  the  German  emigrant.  Wages 
are  lower  and  the  margin  of  living  is  much  closer  in 
Germany  than  in  England.  In  fact  the  author  reck- 
ons that,  taking  the  whole  laboring  population  of 
Germany  of  the  class  from  which  the  emigrants 
come,  their  future  earnings  just  cover  their  future 
consumption.  The  emigrants,  however,  are  a  select 
class  as  to  sex  and  age,  and  he  reckons  the  present 
value  of  the  emigrant  at  from  800  to  900  marks, 
that  is,  from  $200  to  $225. 

This,  Dr.  Becker  thinks,  is  a  real  loss  to  Germany. 

1  Becker,  Unsere  Verluste  durch  Wanderung,  cited  above. 


112  Emigratio7i  and  Immigration. 

Farr  takes  a  more  cheerful  view  of   the   effect   on 
England.     He  says : 

"  It  may  be  contended  that  emigration  is  a  loss  to  the  mother 
country.  It  seems  so.  It  is  like  the  export  of  precious  goods 
for  which  there  is  no  return.  But  experience  proves  that  simul- 
taneously with  this  emigration  there  has  been  a  prodigious  in- 
crease of  the  capital  of  the  country,  especially  in  recent  years. 
Wages  have  risen  and  the  value  of  the  laborer  has  risen  in  pro- 
portion. .  .  .  When  the  man  leaves  the  village  where  he  was 
born  and  bred,  he  leaves  the  market  open  to  his  fellows,  he 
removes  to  a  field  where  his  work  is  in  demand,  and  carries  his 
fortune  with  him.  It  is  the  same  way  when  he  emigrates  to  the 
colonies.  His  parents  in  rearing  him  have  expended  their  gains 
in  the  way  most  agreeable  to  themselves.  They  have  on  an 
average  five  children,  instead  of  two  or  three,  or  none.  Taking 
a  wider  view,  the  emigrants  create  articles  of  primary  use  with 
which  in  exchange  they  supply  the  mother  country ;  they  have 
sent  to  England  in  the  thirty-nine  years  wheat,  cotton,  wool,  gold 
to  the  value  of  hundreds  of  millions."  ^ 

But  whatever  the  gain  or  loss  to  the  home  country, 
both  authors  are  agreed  that  there  is  a  gain  to  the 
new  country  and  that  this  gain  is  measured  in  this 
way.  In  fact,  as  wages  are  so  much  higher  in  the 
United  States  and  living  not  very  much  dearer,  the 
present  value  of  the  laborer  is  higher  here  than  it 
was  at  home. 

There  is  the   same  fallacy  in  this  estimate  as  in 

1  Fawcett,  on  the  other  hand,  thought  that  state-aided  emigration 
in  connection  with  compulsory  education  caused  a  direct  loss  to  the 
community.     Political  Economy,  p.  602. 


The  Economic  Gain   by  Jjumigration.         113 

the  other  two.  The  present  capitalized  value  of  the 
laborer's  future  wages  depends  on  his  having  an  op- 
portunity to  earn  those  wages.  The  immigrant  has 
an  economic  value  only  if  there  is  ojjportunity  for 
him  to  work.  He  is  of  use  to  us  only  if  we  can 
make  him  useful.  This  will  depend  on  his  charac- 
ter and  capacity  and  on  the  work  still  to  be  done  in 
this  country  and  the  number  of  men  we  have  to  do 
it.  This  brings  us  to  the  question  :  Do  we  need  the 
immigrant .'  Here  we  have  an  immense  labor  force 
offered  us.  Can  we  make  use  of  it  .-*  The  answer  to 
this  question  is  difficult  if  not  impossible.  Some  con- 
siderations of  the  following  sort  may  be  suggestive. 

In  order  to  form  any  opinion  on  the  question, 
whether  or  not  we  can  make  use  of  the  immigrants, 
it  is  necessary  to  know  what  they  can  do,  that  is, 
what  their  occupation  or  profession  is  ;  and,  again, 
to  know  whether  they  settle  in  that  part  of  our 
country  where  such  occupation  can  be  successfully 
pursued.  I  believe  far  too  little  attention  has  been 
paid  to  these  two  points.  Immigration  has  been 
welcomed  as  so  much  addition  to  our  labor  force,  or 
denounced  as  a  burden  to  our  poor  rates,  without 
considering  whether  it  is  of  the  right  sort  or  in  the 
right  place.  But  that  determines  most  often  whether 
it  is  to  be  a  gain  or  a  burden. 

It  is  not  probable  that  our  statistics  of  the  occu- 
pations of   immigrants  are  very  accurate    in    detail. 


1 14  Emigration  and  Iviniigration. 

They  are  collected  in  too  hurried  and  careless  a  way 
to  be  strictly  correct.  But  for  our  present  purpose 
they  are  sufficient  to  show  that  the  mass  of  the 
immigration  is  of  common,  unskilled  labor. 

The  statistics  collected  by  the  United  States  show 
the  following  results :  Nearly  one-half  of  the  im- 
migrants are  without  occupation,  this  including  of 
course  the  greater  part  of  the  women  and  children. 
Of  the  immigrants  with  occupations  about  i  per  cent 
are  professional,  about  22  per  cent  are  skilled  arti- 
sans, and  ']6  per  cent  are  unskilled  laborers  —  for 
that  is  what  the  column  "  miscellaneous "  in  the 
statistics  really  amounts  to.  In  other  words  three- 
fourths  of   the  immigrants  are  unskilled  laborers. 

These  statistics  are  confirmed  by  those  from  the 
other  side  of  the  water.  In  1886,  out  of  54,507  adult 
males  (twelve  years  of  age  and  upward)  of  British  and 
Irish  origin,  who  migrated  from  Great  Britain  to  the 
United  States,  26,096  were  general  laborers,  9171 
were  agricultural  laborers,  gardeners,  carters,  etc., 
and  12,906  were  of  occupations  not  stated.^  These 
latter  were  either  boys  or  common  laborers,  so  that 
it  is  entirely  safe  to  say  that  three-fourths  of  the 
emigrants  of  British  and  Irish  origin  are  laborers. 

Of  the  emigrants  from  Germany  in  1886  that  came 
by  the  way  of  Hamburg,  33.58  per  cent  were  returned 

1  Statistical  Tables  relating  to  Emigration  and  Immigration  from 
and  into  the  United  Kingdom,  1887. 


The  Eco)ioviic  Gain  by  Ivimigration.         1 1 5 

as  of  no  occupation.  These  are  presumably  women 
and  children.  24.89  per  cent  were  laborers,  15.87  per 
cent  were  agriculturists,  16.70  per  cent  were  of  the 
industrial  class  and  8.96  per  cent  were  of  the  com- 
mercial class.  Excluding  the  persons  without  occupa- 
tions, the  laborers  and  agriculturists  constituted  61 
per  cent  of  those  emigrants  having  occupations.^ 

Of  the  emigrants  from  Italy  in  1885  (fourteen  years 
of  age  and  upward),  59.63  per  cent  were  husbandmen 
and  shepherds,  12.43  P^r  cent  were  navvies,  porters, 
and  other  day  laborers,  13.30  per  cent  were  artisans 
and  operatives,  and  5.49  per  cent  were  masons  and 
stone  cutters.  That  is,  more  than  72  per  cent  were 
farmers  or  laborers.^ 

It  appears,  then,  that  three-fourths  of  our  immi- 
grants are  agriculturists  or  common  laborers.  Can 
we  make  use  of  that  kind  of  labor }  One  more  anal- 
ysis will  be  necessary  before  we  answer  that  ques- 
tion. One  of  the  greatest  misconceptions  about  this 
whole  subject  is,  I  believe,  that  all  we  have  to  do 
with  this  mass  of  immigrants  is  to  put  them  on  the 
land  "out  West"  and  make  farmers  of  them;  and 
farming  is  commonly  conceived  of  as  an  unskilled 
occupation.  Now  the  great  mass  of  these  laborers 
are  not  farmers  at  all  or  even  farm  laborers,  as  will 

1  Bulletin  de  I'lnstitut  international  dc  statistique,  1887,  2eme  livrai- 
son,  p.  53. 

-  Statistica  della  cmigra/ione  italiana  per  gli  anni  1SS4  e  1885,  p.  xix. 


1 16  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

be  seen  by  reference  to  the  statistics  of  Great  Brit- 
ain and  Germany  above.  In  the  statistics  of  the 
United  States,  also,  the  farmers  are  always  outnum- 
bered by  the  laborers  pure  and  simple.  Thus  in 
1886  there  were  returned  20,600  farmers  and  86,853 
laborers.  Even  of  these  so-called  farmers  it  is  to  be 
remarked  that  they  are  not  farmers  in  our  sense  of 
the  word.  They  are  the  farm  laborers  accustomed 
to  do  the  rough  hand  work  on  the  farms  of  Europe. 
They  do  not  possess  either  the  skill,  or  the  capital, 
or  the  knowledge  of  modern  methods  and  the  use  of 
agricultural  machinery,  requisite  to  enter  into  the 
ranks  of  the  farmers  of  this  country.  At  best  they 
can  only"  drift  on  to  the  farms  and  become  farm 
laborers,  and  perhaps  after  a  while,  by  thrift  and 
industry,  start  kitchen  gardening  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  a  large  city.  However,  these  farmers  and 
farm  laborers  can  be  easily  disposed  of.  There  is 
plenty  of  land  in  this  country,  and  if  they  will  really 
become  farmers  or  farm  laborers  there  will  be  no 
trouble  in  providing  them  places  and  opportunity  to 
earn  a  living.  But  the  great  mass  of  laborers  are 
not  farmers  and  are  not  fitted  to  become  farmers. 
If  you  put  them  on  the  land  they  would  not  know 
how  to  cultivate  it.  Of  their  own  disposition  they 
are  less  likely  to  go  into  farming  than  anything  else, 
because  a  farmer  must  rely  to  a  great  extent  upon 
himself.     This  self-reliance  is  the  quality  they  pos- 


The  Economic  Gain  by  Immigration.         117 

sess  least  of  all.  The  number  of  immiL,aants  of  this 
class  is  very  large  and  it  is  this  class  that  increases 
most  with  every  increase  of  immigration.  How  nu- 
merous they  are  will  be  seen  by  the  following  figures : 


Number  of  Immigrants  classed  as  Laborers,  i 880-1 888. 

1880 105,012 

1881 147,816 

1882 209,605 


1883 136,071 

1884 106,478 


1885 83,068 

18S6 86,853 

1887 140,938 

1888 170,273 

Total  (nine  years)      1,186,114 


These  are  the  men  who  build  our  railroads,  who 
clean  our  streets,  who  handle  our  freight,  who  are 
employed  more  or  less  in  every  factory  for  lifting 
and  moving  heavy  weights,  trucking,  cleaning  up, 
etc.  Can  we  make  use  of  these  men  and  in  this 
number?  He  would  be  a  bold  man  who  would  as- 
sert that  the  United  States,  with  its  miles  of  railroad 
building  every  year,  with  its  canals  and  river  transpor- 
tation, with  its  constantly  expanding  factory  system, 
with  its  use  of  machinery  whereby  unskilled  labor 
can  be  more  and  more  utilized,  cannot  furnish  em- 
ployment to  this  common  labor.  In  one  sense,  the 
newer  a  country  is  the  more  of  this  unskilled  labor 
it  needs,  because  it  has  more  of  the  primary  work 
to  do  —  reclaiming  the  soil  and  making  channels  of 
communication.  No  one  can  look  upon  a  map  of 
the  United  States  and  see  the  immense  unreclaimed 


Il8  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

territory,  without  saying  to  himself :  There  is  room 
here  for  the  unskilled  labor  of  the  world  in  reclaim- 
ing these  deserts,  in  draining  these  swamps,  in  open- 
ing up  these  distant  regions.  In  the  face  of  this 
generalization  I  shall  only  venture  the  following 
practical  suggestions. 

In  every  country  this  unskilled  labor  is  of  itself 
the  most  abundant.  It  constitutes  the  mass  of  the 
community.  In  it  is  found  that  great  number  of 
men  who  earn  their  daily  bread  literally  by  the  sweat 
of  their  brow.  In  it  are  found  all  those  who  are  not 
particularly  intelligent  and  who,  either  from  lack  of 
inclination  or  want  of  opportunity,  have  not  been 
trained  to  any  great  skill.  They  are  the  hewers  of 
wood  and  the  drawers  of  water,  who  form  the  lowest 
but  necessary  stratum  of  every  society.  I  venture 
to  assert,  not  only  that  they  are  present  in  every 
community  in  sufficient  number,  but  that  no  com- 
munity has  ever  found  it  difficult  to  produce  them. 
What  is  difficult  to  produce  is  the  intelligent  and 
skilled  workman,  —  the  man  who  can  take  the  ini- 
tiative himself,  who  not  only  does  work  but  makes 
work.  Possibly  fifty  years  ago  we  needed  more  of 
this  common  labor  than  we  could  produce  ourselves  ; 
but  we  are,  not  in  that  early  civilization  now.  We 
have  been  receiving,  too,  an  immense  quantity  of 
this  kind  of  labor  during  these  years.  Ever  since 
the  great   movement   of    1846  the   Immigration  has 


The  Economic  Gain  by  Ininiigration.  1 19 

been  predominantly  of  this  character.  We  have  in 
our  employ  hundreds  of  thousands  of  these  unskilled 
laborers  and  their  descendants. 

I  would  suggest,  again,  that  the  progress  of  our 
civilization  renders  the  demand  for  this  unskilled 
labor  less  than  it  formerly  was.  We  have  not  built 
all  our  railroads,  but  the  country  is  fairly  well 
opened.  We  have  not  brought  all  our  land  under 
cultivation,  but  we  have  taken  up  the  better  part  of 
it,  and  there  is  no  reason  why  we  should  desire  to 
cultivate  that  inferior  part  which  will  make  a  less 
return  for  the  labor.  The  first  work  of  the  pioneer 
has  been  done  and  will  never  have  to  be  repeated. 
Then,  again,  the  progress  of  civilization  has  enabled 
us  to  apply  machinery  to  much  of  this  work.  The 
steam  drill,  the  dredge,  the  derrick,  do  the  work 
which  was  formerly  done  by  men.  We  accomplish 
more  with  a  few  men  than  our  ancestors  did  with 
hundreds.  Steam  takes  the  place  of  human  muscle, 
and  it  is  just  as  well  that  it  is  so.  There  is  no 
advantage  in  our  growing  into  the  condition  of  those 
countries  where  it  does  not  pay  to  use  machinery 
because  labor  is  so  cheap.  Let  us  seek  increased 
cheapness  not  by  making  our  labor  cheap,  but  by 
inventions  which  shall  make  our  labor  effective. 

Finally,  I  would  suggest  that  to  make  this  un- 
skilled labor  effective  there  ought  to  be  some  guar- 
antee  that   it    shall   get   to   the   place   where   it    is 


120  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

needed,  not  merely  stay  where  it  happens  to  land. 
One  would  say  that  the  place  for  this  mere  muscular 
labor  is  on  the  frontier,  where  it  can  do  the  rough 
work  required.  There  is  absolutely  no  guarantee 
that  it  will  get  there.  The  census  of  1880  showed  an 
immense  preponderance  of  the  foreign  born  in  the 
cities,  as  did  the  census  of  Massachusetts  for  1885. 
The  truth  about  these  unskilled  laborers  is,  as  every 
one  knows,  that  they  are  in  many  cases  stranded  in 
the  large  cities  where  they  form  the  nucleus  for  an 
ignorant,  often  depraved  proletariat,  living  from  hand 
to  mouth,  a  burden  to  the  poor  rates  and  a  social 
incubus  on  the  community.  This  unskilled  labor 
is  not  in  its  right  place,  the  place  where  it  aids 
the  development  of  the  country,  but  is  in  directly 
the  wrong  place,  adding  to  the  complexities  of  that 
already  complex  problem,  the  government  of  large 
cities. 

The  object  of  this  long  and  minute  consideration 
of  the  economic  value  of  the  immigrant  is  to  point 
out  that  this  is  a  question  which  cannot  be  settled 
off-hand  by  a  simple  affirmative  or  negative.  Our 
civilization  is  becoming  so  complex  that  we  have  to 
pay  greater  attention  to  the  working  of  social  forces 
than  we  have  in  times  past.  It  is  now  a  serious 
matter  if  we  get  too  much  labor  or  labor  of  the 
wrong  kind.  We,  like  the  countries  of  the  old 
world,  have  our  periodical  commercial  crises  and  our 


The  Economic  Gain  by  Iminigration.         121 

host  of  unemployed.  The  Commissioner  of  Labor 
reported  in  1886  that  according  to  his  estimate  there 
were  a  milhon  men  unemployed  in  the  United  States, 
and  that  the  underconsumption  caused  by  their  in- 
ability to  buy  was  enough  to  account  in  large  meas- 
ure at  least  for  the  continued  commercial  depression. 
The  Massachusetts  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics  said 
in  its  report  for  1887:  "that  out  of  a  total  of 
816,470  persons  employed  in  gainful  occupations  in 
that  state,  241,589,  or  29.59  per  cent  were  unem- 
ployed at  their  principal  occupation,  on  an  average, 
4. 1 1  months  during  the  year ;  in  short  that  about 
one-third  of  the  total  persons  engaged  in  remunera- 
tive labor  were  unemployed  at  their  principal  occupa- 
tion for  about  one-third  of  the  working  time." 

In  the  face  of  these  facts  it  is  no  longer  possible 
to  say  that  there  is  such  a  demand  for  labor  in  this 
country  that  immigration  will  take  care  of  itself.  I 
do  not  mean  to  assert  that  there  is  absolutely  no 
more  room  for  additional  labor  force.  But  I  do  say 
that  we  need  not  concern  ourselves  lest  we  should 
not  have  labor  force  enough ;  while  there  is  rather 
reason  to  apprehend  that  continued  additions  from 
outside  sources  may  increase  the  supply  of  laborers 
faster  than  the  opportunities  for  work. 

It  was  one  of  the  theories  of  Karl  Marx  that  the 
modern  industrial  system  creates  a  sort  of  reserve 
army  of  proletariat.     When  times  are  good,  all  the 


122  Emigration  ajid  Immigration. 

men  are  employed.  As  soon  as  times  are  bad,  the 
employer  discharges  a  portion  of  his  men  and  they 
are  thrown  into  the  street  to  look  out  for  themselves. 
Some  of  them  die ;  others  are  weakened  by  disease 
and  hardship  so  that  they  are  never  able-bodied 
workmen  again  ;  some  fall  on  the  poor  relief ;  others 
are  added  to  the  ranks  of  the  criminal  and  the 
vicious.  It  is  absolutely  necessary  for  the  modern 
factory  system  that  there  should  be  this  reserve 
army  in  order  that  it  may  take  advantage  of  the 
times  of  increased  demand.  But  it  creates  a  prole- 
tariat which  is  a  burden  to  the  community  at  large. 
It  is  a  serious  question  whether  we  are  not  creating 
such  a  proletariat  at  the  present  time. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

COMPETITION    WITH    AMERICAN    LABOR. 

All  the  arguments  regarding  the  economic  gain 
to  this  country  through  free  immigration  proceed 
from  the  standpoint  of  the  production  of  wealth. 
They  ignore  the  character  and  social  influence  of 
the  immigrant,  and  content  themselves  with  showing 
the  advantage  of  having  command  of  this  increased 
labor  force  which  is  furnished  us  free  of  charge  by 
the  nations  of  Europe.  Too  often,  also,  they  pass 
over  a  second  question  which  even  from  the  pureh: 
economic  standpoint  deserves  consideration.  That 
is  as  follows  :  What  effect  has  this  constant  immi- 
gration on  the  labor  already  here  ?  on  its  wages,  its 
standard  of  living  and  its  contentment .''  This  ques- 
tion is  no  less  important  than  the  preceding  one, — 
in  fact  in  many  respects  it  is  more  important.  For 
the  first  is  merely  a  question  of  more  or  less  rapid 
growth  in  material  wealth,  which,  in  the  present  con- 
dition of  the  United  States,  is  a  matter  of  minor  im- 
portance. But  the  second  ramifies  out  into  the  great 
question  of  the  condition  of  the  working  classes,  of 
their  content  or  discontent,  and  this  at  the  present 

123 


124  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

time  is  the  most  serious  problem  confronting  civil- 
ized nations.  We  have  not  vindicated  free  immigra- 
tion even  economically,  when  we  have  shown  that  it 
increases  the  production  of  wealth.  We  must  go 
one  step  further  and  determine  its  effect  on  the 
laboring  class  of  America. 

Complaints  in  regard  to  this  have  not  been  want- 
ing. These  complaints  will  be  found  to  be  of  three 
kinds.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  asserted  that  the  ad- 
dition of  a  thousand  men  a  day  to  the  number  of 
laborers  in  this  country  tends  to  lower  wages  and 
throw  men  out  of  employment.  Coupled  with  this 
is  the  notion  that  if  the  national  government  protects 
the  American  workman  against  foreign  competition 
in  products,  it  should  protect  him  equally  against 
direct  competition  of  alien  labor.  A  second  com- 
plaint is  of  the  importation  of  laborers  under  con- 
tract for  the  express  purpose  of  taking  the  places  of 
men  already  employed,  which  renders  nugatory  all 
the  efforts  of  labor  organizations  to  increase  wages 
by  strikes  or  combinations.  And,  in  the  third  place,  it 
is  said  that  many  of  the  immigrants  have  a  lower 
standard  of  living  than  is  customary  in  America  so 
that  competition  with  them  on  a  plane  of  decent  liv- 
ing is  impossible.  It  will  be  found  on  examination 
that  these  three  questions  are  entirely  distinct  in 
character ;  the  first  is  almost  purely  an  economic 
question,  while  the  last  two  are  largely  social. 


Competition  zvitJi  American  Labor.  125 

It  is  difficult  to  measure  the  direct  competition 
which  immigration  brings  on  the  working  men  of 
America.  It  is  undoubtedly  considerable.  It  may, 
indeed,  be  said  that  our  industries  are  constantly  ex 
panding  and  by  this  expansion  are  able  to  absorb  an 
additional  number  of  laborers  without  injuring  the 
former  ones.  This  additional  labor  force  may  even 
be  necessary  to  give  that  remunerative  employment 
to  capital  which  after  all  is  the  source  of  the  pros- 
perity of  the  entire  community,  laboring  men  in- 
cluded. There  is  nothing  more  discouraging  to 
enterprise  than  a  scarcity  of  labor,  or  labor  at  such 
high  prices  or  so  completely  under  the  control  of 
labor  unions  that  no  calculations  can  be  made  for 
the  future  and  no  contracts  undertaken  with  the 
certainty  that  they  can  be  filled  at  the  agreed  price. 
An  expansive  prosperity  is  more  conducive  to  abun- 
dance than  a  narrow-minded  conservation  of  indi- 
vidual interests.  And  working  men,  by  monopolizing 
the  opportunity  to  work,  may  destroy  it. 

Direct  competition  in  the  case  of  skilled  labor 
would  not  seem  to  be  very  severe.  As  we  have  seen 
in  the  previous  chapter  only  about  ten  per  cent  of 
the  immigrants  are  skilled  laborers.  In  1886  the 
only  classes  of  which  the  number  was  over  1,000 
were  as  follows.  Bakers,  1,209;  blacksmiths,  1,420; 
butchers,  1,190;  carpenters  and  joiners,  3,678;  clerks, 
3,027;   mariners,    1,803;   masons,    1,835;   mechanics, 


126  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

1,886;  miners,  3,469;  shoemakers,  1,681;  tailors, 
2,682;  tobacco  manufacturers,  1,160.  Certainly  the 
competition  brought  about  by  the  annual  addition  of 
that  number  of  men  to  each  trade  cannot  be  very 
great. 

But  this  is  looking  only  at  the  surface  of  things. 
When  we  remember  that  over  thirty  per  cent  of  the 
persons  engaged  in  manufacturing,  mechanical  and 
mining  industries  in  the  United  States  are  of  foreign 
birth,  it  is  clear  that  either  the  statistics  of  immigra- 
tion are  grossly  inaccurate  or  that  large  numbers  of 
the  immigrants  learn  a  trade  after  they  arrive  here. 
The  latter  is  probably  the  case.  The  truth  is  that 
the  introduction  of  machinery  has  made  many  occu- 
pations which  were  once  skilled,  really  unskilled,  or 
such  as  can  be  learned  after  a  short  apprenticeship. 
The  unskilled  foreign  labor  readily  masters  the 
simple  operations  of  the  machine  and  then  crowds 
into  the  factories  and  workshops.  It  is  here  that 
the  unskilled  and  "  miscellaneous  "  categories  in  the 
statistics  of  immigration  find  their  resting  place. 
The  lower  classes  of  Europe  crowd  into  the  factories 
of  America,  driving  out  labor  that  was  intelligent  if 
not  actually  skilled.  As  has  often  been  said,  the 
Irish  drove  the  New  England  girls  out  of  the  cotton 
factories  of  Massachusetts,  and  now  the  French 
Canadians  are  driving  out  the  Irish. 

It   is    here    that    the    American    or    Americanized 


Competition  ivith  American  Labor.  127 

laborer  is  being  subjected  to  the  most  strenuous 
competition.  This  labor  from  Europe  is  not  inaptly 
labelled  "miscellaneous"  by  the  bureau  of  statistics. 
It  comes  ready  to  take  up  any  occupation  in  which 
it  can  earn  a  living.  I  do  not  suppose  that  the 
French  Canadians  when  they  come  to  the  United 
States  enter  themselves  as  cotton-mill  operatives. 
Probably  they  have  never  seen  a  cotton-mill  in  their 
life.  They  are  only  potentially  cotton-mill  opera- 
tives ;  but  they  fill  up  the  mills  just  the  same.  So 
very  likely  the  Hungarians  who  are  imported  to  dig 
coal  in  the  Hocking  Valley  are  not  miners  when 
they  arrive.  They  take  the  place  of  the  former 
workmen,  however,  just  as  if  they  were  bona  fide 
miners. 

It  is  sometimes  argued  that  this  lower  labor  simply 
displaces  the  former  by  shoving  it  up  to  a  higher 
position,  and  thus  benefits  not  only  itself  but  also 
the  former.  It  is  said  that  the  American  girl  no 
longer  needs  to  work  in  the  factory  because  that 
kind  of  labor  is  now  performed  by  the  Irish  or  the 
French  Canadian,  and  the  American  is  left  free  for 
higher  kinds  of  occupation.  If  that  were  universally 
true  it  would  be  a  favorable  process.  But  we  have 
no  guarantee  that  it  works  in  that  way.  It  may  and 
it  may  not.  Where  the  immigration  is  large  in 
amount  the  displacement  may  occur  without  any 
corresponding  "placement,"  so  to  speak,  elsewhere. 


128  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

Or  it  may  force  the  displaced  labor  to  another  local- 
ity and  change  the  character  of  the  whole  community, 
and  very  probably  for  the  worse.  Relations  will  cer- 
tainly adjust  themselves  in  the  end,  but  it  is  optimistic 
fatalism  to  say  that  they  will  always  adjust  themselves 
for  the  better.  1 

Again  the  relation  between  free  immigration  and 
a  protective  tariff  does  not  appear  altogether  clear. 
Protectionists  commonly  say  the  tariff  is  for  the 
protection  of  American  against  the  poorer-paid  labor 
of  Europe.  But  what  avails  it  to  keep  out  the 
goods  and  introduce  the  laborer  and  put  him  side  by 
side  with  the  American  in  the  competition  for  pro- 
ducing goods  at  a  low  price  .''  For  the  manufacturer 
it  is  obviously  an  advantage  to  have  a  monopoly  of 
the  market  for  his  goods  and  a  free  command  of  the 
market  in  which  to  buy  labor.  But  the  advantage  to 
the  working  man  is  not  obvious.  Notwithstanding 
this  the  protectionists  are  commonly  in  favor  of 
unrestricted  immigration. 

The  reverse  position  of  free  trade  in  goods  and 
restriction  of  immigration  seems  to  me  much  more 
consistent.  It  is  sometimes  said  that  it  is  of  no  use 
to  keep  out  the  laborer  if  at  the  same  time  you  admit 

^  The  testimony  before  the  House  of  Commons  Committee  on  Im- 
migration is  very  instructive  on  this  point.  In  three  trades,  tailoring, 
boot  and  shoe-making,  and  cabinet-making  immigration  seems  simply 
to  have  produced  an  over-supply  of  labor  and  given  rise  to  the  "  sweat- 
ing system."     See  post,  p.  136. 


Competition  zvitk  American  Labor.  129 

the  commodities  in  which  his  labor  is  embodied. 
But  there  is  this  difference.  If  you  admit  the  goods 
you  pay  for  them  in  others  made  by  our  laborers 
with  all  the  advantages  of  our  natural  resources,  im- 
proved machinery,  superior  organization  of  labor,  etc. 
But  if  you  admit  the  foreign  laborer  you  set  him 
down  side  by  side  with  the  American,  furnished  with 
all  the  advantages  which  the  latter  possesses,  and  in 
direct  competition  with  him.  In  the  former  case  you 
get  the  advantage  of  his  low  wages  and  cheap  living 
by  trading  your  superior  advantages  against  them. 
In  the  latter  you  divide  your  advantages  with  him, 
and  then  compete  for  the  same  market.  But  what- 
ever position  one  may  take  in  regard  to  free  trade  in 
goods,  it  is  unreasonable  to  say  that  you  are  protect- 
ing the  American  laborer  when  you  admit  free  trade 
in  labor. 

The  competition  is  felt  more  keenly  when  the 
laborers  are  imported  under  contract.  There  have 
been  a  large  number  of  such  cases  during  the  last 
ten  years.  Many  of  the  Italians  who  have  worked 
on  our  railroads  have  been  brought  by  contractors 
for  that  purpose.  The  New  York  commissioner  of 
labor  in  1885  found  a  contractor  in  Buffalo  who  admit- 
ted that  he  had  furnished  four  hundred  foreigners  to 
railroad  companies  and  other  corporations  during  the 
preceding  year.  We  hear  of  simiilar  cases  in  New 
Jersey,    Kansas,    Iowa   and   Wisconsin.      The    com- 


1 30  Eviignitiofi  and  Immigration. 

missioncr  of  the  labor  bureau  in  the  last  named  state 
asserts  that  in  the  year  1886  the  state  was  flooded 
with  circulars  from  an  Italian  Labor  and  Construc- 
tion company  in  New  York  offering  to  let  men  "for 
tunnelling,  grading,  mining,  breaking  stone,  laying 
ties,  repairing  washouts,  laying  water  and  gas  mains, 
street  cleaning,  shovelling  snow,"  or  to  take  such 
work  as  sub-contractors  "  at  figures  that  will  repay 
inquiry."  "  Contractors  will  find  that  the  authority 
of  this  company  over  the  men  it  furnishes  is  of 
special  advantage  in  all  dealings  it  may  have  with 
them."  It  is  notorious  that  the  mine  owners  in 
Pennsylvania  and  Ohio  have  imported  laborers  to 
take  the  places  of  men  at  work  in  the  mines. 

In  New  England,  French  Canadians  are  brought 
in  to  work  in  the  cotton-mills  and  at  brick  laying. 
At  the  latter  trade  they  work  during  the  summer 
and  return  to  Canada  for  the  winter.  In  New  York 
the  labor  commissioner  reported  similar  cases  of 
masons  who  were  brought  over  here  during  the  busy 
season  and  returned  to  Europe  in  the  winter. 

The  testimony  before  the  Ford  immigration  com- 
mittee brought  to  light  several  cases  of  the  impor- 
tation of  laborers  under  contract  in  spite  of  the  law 
of  1885  against  it.  That  law  is  extremely  difficult 
to  enforce  because  it  is  almost  impossible  to  get 
evidence.  The  laborer  is  interested  in  concealing  the 
fact,  and  there  is  no  mark  by  which  the  inspectors 


Competition  zvitJi  American  Labor.  131 

at  Castle  Garden  can  tell  that  he  is  under  con- 
tract.i 

Working  men  protest  against  the  importation  of 
labor  under  contract  not  on  account  of  the  small 
amount  of  additional  competition  involved  in  it,  but 
because  it  destroys  the  efficacy  of  their  labor  organi- 
zations. It  renders  strikes  harmless,  and  the  demand 
for  increased  v^^ages  or  the  protest  against  reduction 
of  wages  equally  unavailing.  It  makes  the  employer 
master  of  the  situation,  for  the  supply  of  this  im- 
ported labor  is  practically   unlimited. 

Competition  is  rendered  more  difficult  for  the 
American  laborer  and  more  disastrous  for  the  com- 
munity because  many  of  the  immigrants  of  recent 
years  represent  a  very  low  standard  of  living.  The 
reason  these  imported  laborers  can  displace  the 
American  by  taking  lower  wages  is  that  they  live 
in  a  way  which  it  is  impossible  for  the  native  work- 
man to  imitate  and  which  it  would  be  a  misfortune  for 
the  civilization  of  the  community  if  he  should.     It  is 

1  The  evidence  was  in  regard  to  Swedes  brought  over  to  take  the 
place  of  strikers  at  Fall  River,  p.  1 1 1 ;  Hungarian  and  Italian  miners 
in  Pennsylvania,  p.  205,  ff.;  miners  in  the  Hocking  Valley,  Reports  of 
consuls,  p.  74;  Bohemians  and  Russian  Jews  as  cigar  makers,  p.  364, 
and  p.  379;  cotton-mill  operatives  in  Newark,  p.  370  and  p.  450; 
watch  case  makers,  p.  425;  stone  cutters  employed  on  the  capitol, 
Austin,  Texas,  p.  138;  worsted  mill  hands  at  Forge  Village,  p.  578; 
ship  carpenters  in  Detroit,  p.  624.  Much  of  the  testimony  was  very 
indefinite,  but  some  written  contracts  were  presented. 


132  Emigratioji  and  Immigration. 

not  merely  that  the  immigrants  have  received  less 
wages  and  are  less  well  off  in  the  old  country  than  in 
this.  That  would  be  true  of  the  mass  of  them  since 
the  movement  began,  and  the  very  fact  that  they 
expected  better  wages  in  this  country  has  in  many 
cases  been  the  chief  inducement  to  come.  But  in 
former  times  most  of  them  had  the  desire  for  a 
higher  style  of  living  and  quickly  lifted  themselves 
up  to  the  American  standard.  In  recent  years,  how- 
ever, a  class  has  come,  accustomed  to  a  distinctly 
lower  standard,  with  no  notion  of  anything  else, 
perfectly  content  to  live  as  at  home,  and  whose 
only  ambition  has  been  to  save  enough  to  return 
to  the  old  country. 

The  types  of  this  class  of  people  with  which  we 
have  become  familiar  during  the  last  few  years  are 
the  Italians,  the  French  Canadians,  the  Poles  and 
the  Hungarians.  The  causes  which  have  contributed 
to  their  immigration  are  the  cheapness  of  transpor- 
tation, the  solicitation  of  steamship  agents  and  the 
importation  of  contract  labor. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  describe  the  standard  of 
living  of  these  people.  Attention  has  been  directed 
to  it  by  newspapers,  bureaux  of  labor  statistics,  labor 
organizations  and  the  Congressional  committee  al- 
ready mentioned.  Italians  testified  before  this  com- 
mittee that  they  were  accustomed  to  live  at  home  on 
fifteen  cents  a  day.     The  committee  visited  in  person 


Competition  zvith  American  Labor.  133 

the  tenement  houses  in  New  York  city,  where  these 
new  comers  lodge,  and  saw  sights  that  almost  baffle 
description.  Huddled  together  in  miserable  apart- 
ments, in  filth  and  rags,  without  the  slightest  regard 
to  decency  or  health,  they  present  a  picture  of 
squalid  existence  degrading  to  any  civilization  and  a 
menace  to  the  health  of  the  whole  community. 
Ignorant,  criminal  and  vicious,  eating  food  that  we 
would  not  give  to  dogs,  their  very  stolidity  and 
patience  under  such  conditions  show  that  they  lack 
the  faintest  appreciation  of  what  civilization  means. 
Neither  is  it  merely  in  the  slums  of  great  cities 
that  we  find  this  condition  of  things.  In  Connecti- 
cut the  commissioner  of  the  bureau  of  labor  statistics 
speaks  of  the  Italians  in  the  following  way :  — 

"  The  Italian  immigrants  come  almost  entirely  from  the 
southern  districts  of  Italy.  They  come  in  rudely  organized 
bodies,  not  as  a  rule  under  contract  from  the  employers  them- 
selves, but  under  the  leadership  of  certain  of  their  own  nation, 
who  arrange  concerning  their  employment  and  pay.  The 
Italian's  object  in  coming  to  this  country  is  simple.  He  wishes 
to  stay  here  until  he  can  save  two  or  three  hundred  dollars,  and 
then  go  home  again.  This  sum  amounts  to  a  competence  in  his 
own  country,  and  enables  him  to  pass  the  remainder  of  his  days 
as  a  man  of  wealth  and  established  position.  .  .  . 

"  The  task  which  he  has  before  him  is  not  a  difficult  one. 
.  .  .  His  expenses  he  is  able  to  reduce  to  a  minimum.  In 
matters  of  personal  comfort  he  is  the  reverse  of  exacting.  He 
can  bear  an  infinite  amount  of  crowding,  without  apparently 
interfering  with  his  enjoyment  of  life  or  sense  of  decency.     His 


134  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

diet  is  simple ;  it  is  even  cheaper  tlian  that  of  the  French 
Canadian.  While  the  Canadian  relies  largely  on  peas  and  other 
cheap  and  nutritious  vegetables,  the  food  of  the  Italian  consists 
largely  of  stale  bread,  stale  fruit  and  stale  beer.  The  Italians 
use  these  things  at  a  point  where  they  cease  to  be  marketable. 
Of  fruit  in  particular,  they  save  large  quantities  at  a  point  where 
it  has  almost  no  commercial  value,  applying  a  kind  of  drying 
process  of  their  own,  and  afterwards  cooking  the  dried  fruit  from 
time  to  time  as  it  is  wanted."^ 

The  Hungarians,  Poles  and  Russians  represent 
the  same  condition  of  things,  as  is  proven  by  abun- 
dant testimony  both  in  this  country  and  before  the 
British  commission  charged  with  the  investigation 
of  the  immigration  of  foreigners.  It  is  not  the  im- 
migration of  individual  paupers  and  indigent  persons 
that  we  have  to  do  with,  but  the  beginning  of  an  in- 
flux of   whole    classes,  that    threatens  to  lower  our 

1  Report,  1885,  pp.  60  ft". 

The  Italians  do  not  seem  to  be  favorites  anywhere.  The  consul  of 
the  United  States  at  Marseilles,  France,  writes:  "There  are  in  this 
city  more  than  54,000  Italians,  who  hold  toward  the  native  laboring 
classes  a  relation  somewhat  similar  to  that  of  the  Chinese  in  the  West- 
ern American  states.  The  Italian  laborer  is  quite  as  industrious  and 
even  more  economical  than  the  Frenchman.  His  wants  are  so  few 
and  simple  that  he  can  exist  upon  a  small  percentage  of  his  earnings, 
and  in  a  competition  of  wages  he  underbids  the  native  laborer.  In 
several  parts  of  this  district  there  have  been  heard  recently  sharp  pro- 
tests, attended  in  some  instances  by  violence,  against  the  Piedmontese, 
who  swarm  across  the  frontier  and  seek  employment  in  mines  and 
tanneries  and  upon  public  works;  but  these  manifestations  have  been 
promptly  suppressed  and  denounced  as  uncivilized  and  dangerous  to 
French  working-people  in  other  countries."     Consular  Reports,  p.  71. 


Competitiojt  zvith  American  Labor.  135 

standard  of  material  civilization.  Suppose  \vc  raise 
up  those  who  come  to  something  like  the  level  of 
the  American  laborer  so  that  they  will  demand  the 
same  decencies  and  comforts  of  life  and  refuse  to 
accept  anything  else ;  —  there  is  an  inexhaustible 
supply  behind  and  new  quotas  will  be  brought  over 
for  the  same  purpose  as  before,  namely,  in  order  to 
obtain  cheap  labor. 

In  fact  at  our  very  doors  we  are  trying  an  experi- 
ment of  the  sort,  that  is,  to  bring  up  a  foreign  com- 
munity to  our  standard  of  living.  The  French  Cana- 
dians are  of  the  same  class  as  the  Italians,  and  for 
some  years  they  have  been  flowing  into  New  Eng- 
land. They  work  for  less  wages  and  live  on  cheaper 
food  than  the  native  American  or  the  Irishman. 
They  are  steadily  driving  the  natives  out  of  the 
factory  towns  of  New  England.  But  they  do  not 
take  the  place  of  the  old  inhabitant  in  the  social 
life  of  the  community.  They  remain  under  the 
power  of  the  priest ;  they  economize  in  every  way 
so  as  to  return  home ;  they  do  not  send  their  chil- 
dren to  the  public  schools  ;  they  add  to  the  illiteracy, 
if  not  to  the  vice  and  the  crime  of  the  community ; 
they  lower  distinctly  the  general  intelligence  and 
civilization.  There  is  an  inexhaustible  supply  of 
them.  When  a  mill  owner  wants  additional  laborers, 
he  simply  goes  among  those  who  are  already  here 
and  asks  them  if  they  have  any  friends  or  relatives 


136  Emigration  and  hnmigration. 

in  the  Dominion  wlio  would  like  to  get  employment. 
They  all  do  know  of  such  cases.  The  only  difficulty 
is  that  they  have  not  the  means  of  coming.  The 
a2:ent  advances  the  funds,  the  new  men  come  and 
a  fresh  addition  is  made  to  the  population,  lacking 
every  characteristic  of  value  to  the  commonwealth 
except  industry  and  a  peaceable  disposition. 

One  result  of  this  kind  of  immigration  will  be  the 
introduction  of  those  abuses  incident  to  the  factory 
system,  against  which  we  have  for  so  many  years  been 
battling  with  our  factory  and  sanitary  and  school 
legislation.  The  testimony  before  the  Ford  com- 
mittee^ showed  that  the  "sweating  system"  was 
already  introduced  in  New  York,  with  its  miserable 
wages,  long  hours  of  work,  employment  of  women 
and  children,  and  disregard  of  all  the  decencies  and 
health  requirements  of  life.  The  testimony  before 
the  English  committee  on  the  immigration  of  for- 
eigners into  London  was  still  more  emphatic.  Two 
or  three  trades,  tailoring,  boot  and  shoe-making,  and 
cabinet-making  have  gone  over  into  the  hands  of 
foreigners,  mostly  poor  Russian  and  Polish  Jews. 
The  universal  testimony  was  that  these  new  arrivals, 
entirely  destitute,  ignorant  of  the  language  and  accus- 
tomed to  a  low  style  of  living,  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  "sweater"  almost  as  soon  as  they  landed.  The 
"sweater"    is    simply    a    sub-contractor    who    takes 

1  p.  222. 


Competition  with  American  Labor.  137 

clothing  or  shoes,  ah-eady  cut,  from  the  manufac- 
turer, agreeing  to  do  the  necessary  work  on  them 
for  a  given  price  per  piece.  There  is  great  compe- 
tition among  these  middle  men  and  their  number  is 
always  large  because  but  little  capital  is  required  and 
it  is  easy  to  start  in  the  business.  The  "sweater" 
then  takes  the  bundle  of  clothes  or  shoes  home  to 
be  made  up.  In  a  small  room  —  sometimes  a  living 
room,  sometimes  a  shop  built  out  over  a  yard  —  he 
employs  a  number  of  men  to  assist  him.  Crowded 
together  in  this  room,  the  atmosphere  made  foul  by 
gas,  by  the  coke  fire  used  in  heating  the  pressing 
irons  and  by  human  breath  and  exhalations,  the  men 
sit  and  work  fourteen,  sixteen  and  sometimes  eighteen 
hours  a  day.  The  sweater  retains  one-half  the  sum 
received  for  the  work,  distributing  the  remainder 
among  the  workmen.  The  tendency  is  to  reduce 
the  earnings  to  the  lowest  possible  point.  The  men 
are  helpless.  It  is  either  work  or  starve.  The  labor 
is  of  such  poor  quality  that  a  "greener"  can  learn  the 
trade  in  a  month's  time,  and  if  a  man  leave  his  place, 
it  is  immediately  taken  by  an  immigrant.  The  same 
competition  reduces  the  wages  of  sewing  women  to 
the  merest  pittance,  and  the  testimony  showed  that 
women  in  London  were  working  fourteen  hours  a 
day  in  order  to  earn  a  shilling.  In  New  York  it 
was  also  shown  that  the  wages  of   sewing  women 


138  Emigratiofi  and  Immigration. 

had  been  reduced  by  the  competition  of  Russian  and 
Polish  men  who  would  work  for  less  wages. 

It  is  this  kind  of  competition  that  is  unfair  to  our 
working  classes  and  a  danger  to  the  community.  It 
is  unfair  to  ask  the  working  man  to  compete  against 
labor  based  on  a  standard  of  living  which  we  should 
be  unwilling  to  see  him  adopt.  It  is  unwise  of  the 
community  to  allow  a  competition  which,  if  un- 
checked, must  bring  the  whole  laboring  class  to  a 
lower  standard  of  civilization. 

Most  economists  and  statesmen  now  acknowledge 
that  competition  in  the  labor  market  should  take 
place  only  on  a  certain  plane  of  living.  We  have 
not  allowed  employers  to  drive  any  bargain  they 
pleased  with  their  employees.  We  have  restricted 
the  hours  of  labor  for  women  and  children ;  we 
have  regulated  the  condition  of  the  workshop  and 
the  factory ;  we  have  compelled  the  children  to  go 
to  school.  In  other  words  we  have  had  an  eye  to 
the  maintenance  of  the  standard  of  civilization  for 
the  present  and  the  future.  In  so  doing  we  have 
pursued  not  only  a  humanitarian  but  a  sound  politi- 
cal and  economic  policy,  for  it  is  not  for  the  good  of 
the  community  that  any  class  should  lose  its  position 
in  civilization. 

Such  are  the  chief  considerations  in  regard  to  the 
effect  of  immigration  on  the  economic  condition  of 
the  working  classes  in  this  country.     It  is  not  easy 


Competition  ivith  American  Labor.  139 

to  measure  the  exact  influence  on  wages.  The  chief 
effect  is  that  the  laborer  is  subject  to  a  constant 
stress  of  competition  which  it  is  difficult  for  him  to 
meet.  All  the  old  barriers  of  custom,  nationality,  and 
skill  have  been  broken  down  and  he  is  at  the  mercy  of 
the  market.  Part  of  this  is  the  natural  result  of  the 
factory  system  of  production,  but  a  good  deal  is  the 
effect  of  the  constant  supply  of  new  and  competing 
labor  from  abroad.  No  one  employs  the  American 
because  he  is  a  man,  or  a  neighbor,  or  a  compatriot, 
but  simply  because  he  will  take  the  least  wages. 
The  national  pride  in  him  and  his  work  has  ceased. 

It  has  for  a  long  time  been  a  dogma  of  economists 
that  labor  suffers  from  its  immobility.  It  is  unable 
to  transfer  itself  readily  from  one  employment  to 
another  or  from  one  place  to  another  in  order  to 
get  higher  wages.^  Cairnes  said  that  competition 
affected  wages  only  within  certain  groups.  Where  an 
occupation  requires  skill,  it  is  impossible  for  others 
to  enter  it.  It  is  true  that  the  new  generation  may 
be  trained  into  it,  if  it  does  not  require  too  long  an 
apprenticeship,  and  thus  competition  be  introduced, 
but  this  process  is  difficult  and  very  gradual.     So 

1  Walker  in  The  Wages  Question  (1876),  p.  180,  said:  "We  may 
fairly  say  that  the  laboring  population  is  never  likely  to  be  more  com- 
pletely mobilized  by  intelligence  and  the  possession  of  property  than  is 
desirable  in  order  to  render  it  certain  that  just  the  amount  of  movement 
from  industry  to  industry,  and  from  place  to  place,  which  may  be  re- 
quired, will  be  effected." 


140  Emigratioji  and  Immigration. 

Fawcett    delighted   to   point    out    that    agricultural 
wages  were  considerably  lower  in  one  English  county 
than  in  another  only  a  few  miles  distant,  owing  to 
the   inertia  of   the   agricultural    laborer.     Professor 
J.  B.  Clark  has  however  demonstrated  that  the  bar- 
riers between  groups  are  steadily  giving  way  owing 
to  the  spread  of  intelligence  and  education  and  the 
introduction  of  machinery,  which  does  away  with  the 
skill  formerly  required.     The  immobility  of  labor  in 
respect  to  place  is  being  rapidly  removed  by  the  facil- 
ities for  transportation  and  by  immigration.     When 
a  strike  occurs  on  the  street  railroads  of  New  York 
city,  unskilled  labor  flocks  from  all  the  neighboring 
cities  to  get  the  job.      The  Chicago,  Burlington  and 
Quincy  railroad  brought  men  from  Pennsylvania,  and 
in  a  few  days  it  had  duplicated  its   entire  force  of 
engineers  and  firemen.      This  mobility  of  labor  is 
greatly  assisted  by  the  employers,  who  go  so  far  as  to 
import  laborers  from  Europe  in  order  to  escape  the 
demands  of  their  men.     In  no  country  of  the  world 
has  this  barrier  of  distance  and  national  prejudice 
been  broken  down  so  completely  as  in  the  United 
States.      Our  workmen  are  subject  to   competition 
from  the  world.     Almost  every  strike  at  the  present 
time  ends  in  the  defeat  of  the  strikers. 

For  the  working  men  of  this  country,  with  their 
high  wages  and  high  standard  of  living,  it  is  a  misfor- 
tune to  have  these  barriers  of  distance,  of  acquired 


Competition  tvitJi  American  Labor.  141 

skill  and  of  nationality  fall  away  so  completely.  It 
renders  their  position  one  of  great  instability  and 
uncertainty.  It  makes  it  impossible  that  they  should 
calculate  or  provide  for  their  future  or  that  of  their 
children.  It  destroys  local  attachments  and  settled 
feelings.  It  renders  efforts  to  better  their  condition 
either  by  organization  or  by  thrift  and  prudence 
almost  entirely  futile.  Competition  among  laborers 
there  will  always  be  ;  and  it  is  not  desirable  that  they 
should  be  entire  masters  of  the  situation,  for  absolute 
power  is  no  safer  in  their  hands  than  in  those  of  any 
other  class  of  the  community.  But  with  the  present 
mobility  of  labor  described  above,  the  competition 
from  the  laborers  already  in  this  country  will  be  suf- 
ficient to  secure  us  from  any  monopoly  of  labor. 

It  is  well  here  to  consider  the  true  office  of  com- 
petition. Its  object  is  simply  to  put  a  spur  on 
producers  so  that  they  may  be  compelled  to  produce 
and  sell  as  cheaply  as  possible.  Monopoly  is  always 
dangerous  because  it  acts  as  a  shield  to  laziness,  care- 
lessness, and  lack  of  enterprise,  as  well  as  gives  the 
opportunity  to  charge  extortionate  prices.  When  a 
man  has  a  monopoly,  his  profits  are  secure  whether 
he  makes  the  best  use  of  his  raw  material,  his  capital 
and  his  labor,  or  not.  When  he  is  subject  to  compe- 
tition all  this  is  changed.  He  is  obliged  to  stop  the 
waste  of  material,  to  turn  over  his  capital  quickly,  and 
to  seek  the  most  efficient  labor.     If  he  does  not,  he  is 


142  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

undersold  by  his  rival  and  soon  swept   into   bank- 
ruptcy. 

^Normal  competition  is  for  the  benefit  of  the  com- 
munity at  large.  The  price  of  commodities  is  re- 
duced to  a  point  near  the  lowest  possible  cost  of 
production.  The  productive  forces  of  the  community 
are  utilized  to  the  highest  degree.  The  control  of 
the  processes  of  production  comes  into  the  hands 
of  the  most  efficient  masters.  The  direction  of 
the  labor  force  of  the  community  is  confided  to 
the  most  skilful  leaders.  The  incompetent,  the 
vacillating,  the  stupid  employer  is  forced  out  of 
the  ranks,  and  his  place  is  taken  by  the  better 
man.  This  is  the  glory  of  the  modern  system  of 
free  competition,  and  it  is  to  this  system  that  we 
owe  the  immense  strides  made  during  the  last  hun- 
dred years  in  the  production  of  wealth. 

The  laborer  has  shared  in  the  blessings  of  free 
competition.  The  cheapening  of  articles  of  ordinary 
consumption  has  come  to  his  benefit,  for  he  is  the 
largest  aggregate  consumer.  Cheapness  has  led  to 
increased  demand  for  commodities  and  thus  to 
greater  demand  for  his  services.  The  competent, 
enterprising  employer  can  make  labor  more  effi- 
cient and  can  thus  pay  higher  wages ;  or,  at  least, 
wages  go  further  owing  to  the  cheapness  of  com- 
modities. The  condition  of  the  laborer  tends  con- 
stantly to  improve.     He  is  in  the  favorable  position 


Competition  with  American  Labor.  143 

of  a  man  who  is  selling  his  products  in  a  rising  market 
and  buying  his  supplies  in  a  falling.  His  very  ex- 
penditures (which  increase  as  his  position  becomes 
more  favorable,  so  that  what  was  once  consumed  by 
the  few  is  now  the  daily  consumption  of  the  many) 
make  trade  prosperous  and  employment  greater. 
Here  is  a  circle  which  is  the  reverse  of  vicious. 
Increased  cheapness  caused  by  industry,  skill  and 
inventiveness  is  a  blessing  to  the  whole  community. 
Suppose,  however,  that  increased  cheapness  is 
gained  by  the  substitution  of  labor  with  a  lower 
standard  of  living;  —  the  charmed  circle  is  at  once 
broken.  The  older  labor  never  reaps  the  benefit  of 
the  increased  cheapness.  The  laborers  either  lose 
their  places  and  are  thrown  into  the  street,  or  are 
compelled  to  accept  wages  which  will  not  give  them 
the  necessaries  and  comforts  of  life  according  to 
their  standard.  There  is  created  a  class  of  discon- 
tented and  unambitious  workmen,  who  are  no  longer 
interested  in  the  prosperity  of  the  community.  Still 
further,  from  a  purely  economic  point  of  view,  there 
is  no  gain  to  the  community  at  large.  The  de- 
graded labor  with  its  lower  standard  of  living  does 
not  make  the  same  demand  for  commodities  that 
the  old  did ;  and  the  increased  cheapness  instead  of 
bringing  increased  demand  is  accompanied  by  a 
decreased  power  of  consumption.  Even  the  em- 
ployers,   in    the  distressing  competition    caused    by 


144  Emigration  and  I-mmigration. 

decreasing  consumption,  soon  find  that  their  profits 
have  been  reduced  to  the  old  level  or  even  lower. 
Two  remarkable  cases  of  this  sort  of  substitution 
of  lower  standard  labor  for  higher  have  occurred  in 
the  United  States  and  sufficient  time  has  elapsed  to 
perceive  the  effects.  One  is  the  influx  of  French 
Canadians  into  New  England  ;  the  other  is  the  set- 
tlement of  Scandinavians  in  the  Northwest.  Both 
of  these  nationalities  are  extremely  industrious,  frugal 
and  peaceable.  They  are  by  no  means  the  worst 
class  of  immigrants  that  we  receive.  As  Professor 
Hadley  says  of  the  French  Canadians :  "  In  economy 
of  food  .  .  .  they  teach  us  a  lesson  from  which  we 
might  learn  a  good  deal.  The  trouble  is  that  their 
economy  does  not  stop  at  a  point  where  it  would  be 
desirable."  ^  The  Scandinavians  have  been  the  most 
powerful  element  in  the  development  of  several  states 
in  the  West.  But  what  is  the  result  after  we  have 
acquired  these  new  elements  in  our  population.''  The 
following  description  is  a  newspaper  account  but  is 
confirmed  by  other  testimony.^ 

"  They  [the  French  Canadians]  come  in  families,  but  never 
to  remain  more  than  a  few  years,  or  long  enough  to  save  two  or 
three  thousand  dollars  with  which  to  purchase  a  Canadian  estate 
big  enough  to  support  them  all  in  affluence  and  genteel  superi- 
ority over  their  neighbors.    Then  they  go  back.     The  accumula- 

1  Connecticut  Labor  Bureau  Report,  1885,  p.  60. 

2  The  (N.  Y.)  Evening  Post,  October  22,  1888. 


Competition  with  American  Labor.  145 

tion  of  this  fund  is  not  a  matter  of  much  time  either.  The  pay 
is  small,  it  is  true,  but  there  is  a  ready  explanation  of  their 
speedy  acquisition  of  wealth.  Where  the  native  earned  $12  a 
week,  his  Canadian  successor  gets  $7,  or  at  best  $9,  while  the 
woman  w-orkers  average  as  a  rule  from  75  to  90  cents  per  day, 
perhaps  now  and  then  $1.  Those  whom  they  replace  received 
from  $8  to  $10  per  week.  Here  then  is  the  explanation.  They 
all  work.  From  the  father  and  mother,  daughters  and  sons,  to  the 
smallest  boy  in  the  family,  they  are  employed  at  the  picker,  the 
loom,  or  in  the  mule  loft  gathering  up  empty  bobbins  from 
the  long  vibrating  spinners.  The  fund  thus  acquired  goes  into 
the  common  purse  for  the  common  maintenance  and  for  the 
common  coming  estate  in  Canada.  Thus  in  a  comparatively 
short  period  the  sum  is  raised.  While  inborn  frugality  and  the 
economy  taught  by  bitter  experience  somewhat  facilitates  this, 
the  true  reason  lies  in  the  fact  stated  ;  it  is  a  striking  contrast, 
this  utilization  of  every  member  of  the  habitan  family,  with  the 
custom  of  the  American,  Irish,  or  German  operative,  who  as  a 
rule  endeavors  to  support  himself  and  his  family  on  the  product 
of  his  individual  exertions. 

"The  undesirable  effects  of  Canadian  occupation  are  felt  not 
alone  in  the  great  centres  of  industry.  They  have  pushed  out 
into  the  little  villages,  which  in  many  cases  mortgaged  them- 
selves to  induce  mill  corporations  to  set  up  shop  among  them, 
that  the  townspeople  might  have  employment,  with  increased 
population,  increased  valuation,  and  increased  business.  Such 
little  hives  of  toil  abound  in  plenty  throughout  Maine  and  Mas- 
sachusetts—  one  or  two  mills  making  small  hamlets  bustling  and 
prosperous.  The  blight  of  the  French  Canadian  has  now  come 
over  these,  and  he  predominates  among  their  working  classes, 
destroying  the  social  economy  and  lowering  the  general  standing 
of  the  town." 


146  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

In  the  same  way  another  writer  comments  on  the 
success  of  the  Scandinavians  in  the  West.  They 
have  succeeded  where  the  American  with  a  better 
start  has  failed.  They  have  acquired  farms  and  now 
Hve  in  a  state  of  great  comfort.  In  a  certain  sense 
it  is  a  survival  of  the  fittest.  "  But  is  it  the  survival 
of  the  fittest }  Has  the  best  man,  the  most  valuable 
citizen,  the  man  on  whom  the  nation  could  depend 
in  its  hour  of  need,  the  man  of  brains,  of  energy  and 
enterprise  survived  }  Or  has  the  man  who  could  en- 
dure the  hardest  work  and  live  on  the  coarsest  fare 
driven  the  better  man  to  the  wall  and  survived  be- 
cause he  was  trained  in  a  school  of  toil  and  direful 
poverty  to  a  life  which  no  American  will  endure  if 
he  can  possibly  escape  its  hard  conditions  .''  "  ^ 

What  then  has  the  community  gained  by  the  sub- 
stitution of  this  .cheaper  labor  force  .-'  The  American 
labor  is  forced  elsewhere,  the  standard  of  living  of 
the  laboring  class  is  lowered,  its  consumptive  power 
is  decreased,  and  the  civilization  of  the  country  is 
degraded.  Such  is  the  effect  of  unrestricted  free 
competition  without  any  regard  to  the  plane  on 
which  the  competition  is  conducted. 

^  Letter  from  Fargo,  Dakota,  in  The  New  York  Times,  July  24,  1887. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

SOCIAL    EFFECTS    OF     IMMIGRATION. 

The  whole  life  of  a  nation  is  not  covered  by  its 
politics  and  its  economics.  Social  science  is  not 
composed  simply  of  the  science  of  government  and 
political  economy.  Civilization  does  not  consist 
merely  of  free  political  institutions  and  material 
prosperity.  There  is  a  realm  outside  of  political  and 
economic  life  which  pertains  to  civilization  and 
which  is  covered  by  what  may  be  termed  social 
science  in  its  narrower  sense.  The  morality  of  a 
community,  its  observance  of  law  and  order,  its  free- 
dom from  vice,  its  intelligence,  its  rate  of  mortality 
and  morbidity,  its  thrift,  cleanliness  and  freedom 
from  a  degrading  pauperism,  its  observance  of  f;'.mily 
ties  and  obligations,  its  humanitarian  disposition  and 
charity,  and  finally  its  social  habits  and  ideals  are 
just  as  much  indices  of  its  civilization  as  the  trial  by 
jury  or  a  high  rate  of  wages.  These  things  are,  in 
fact,  the  flower  and  fruit  of  civilization,  —  in  them 
consists  the  successful  "pursuit  of  happiness"  which 
our  ancestors  coupled  with  life  and  liberty  as  the 
inalienable  rights  of   a   man   worthy   of   the   name. 

147 


148  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

Democracy  and  national  wealth,  the  characteristics 
of  the  present  century,  are  valuable  as  they  con- 
tribute to  these  signs  of  prosperity  and  content  and 
good-living. 

Nothing,  however,  is  more  illusive  than  the  attempt 
to  gauge  these  characteristics  of  a  nation's  position 
in  civilization.  We  can  compare  the  constitutional 
and  administrative  systems  of  different  countries  and 
say  which  unites  the  greatest  security  for  life  and 
property  with  the  greatest  liberty  of  the  individual. 
Statistics  of  trade,  manufactures  and  wealth  give 
some  notion  of  the  material  prosperity  of  a  nation. 
But  there  is  no  adequate  expression  for  the  degree  of 
its  morality,  or  even  its  respect  for  law,  much  less 
for  the  tone  of  its  social  life  and  the  loftiness  of  its 
social  ideals.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  it  is  impossi- 
ble to  say  of  the  different  civilized  nations  of  the 
world  which  is  the  most  civilized.  It  is  true  that 
this  is  due  to  some  extent  to  difference  in  standards, 
so  that  the  Englishman  will  prize  most  highly  that 
which  is  English  and  the  German  that  which  is 
German,  because  the  measurements  are  necessarily 
subjective  in  each  case ;  but  if  there  were  a  com- 
mon standard  of  measurement  it  would  be  impossible 
to  apply  it  to  such  complex  and  delicate  phenomena. 

We  are  in  the  same  position  when  we  try  to  meas- 
ure the  social  effects  of  immigration.  The  people  of 
the  United   States   started  out  at  the  beginning  of 


Social  Effects  of  Immigration.  149 

this  century  with  certain  social  traits  and  character- 
istics which  doubtless  would  have  endured  or  devel- 
oped, modified  more  or  less  by  the  peculiar  forces  of 
our  surroundings  and  external  history.  There  can 
scarcely  be  a  doubt,  however,  that  this  development 
has  been  further  changed  and  modified  by  the  addi- 
tion of  millions  of  persons  of  other  races,  from  other 
civilizations,  and  with  other  ideals  of  social  life. 
This  modification  may  have  been  for  good  or  it  may 
have  been  for  evil,  —  in  either  case  it  is  almost 
impossible  to  trace  it.  Still  further,  many  of  these 
foreign  elements  have  been  here  for  a  long  period  of 
time ;  they  have  become  inextricably  intermingled 
with  the  native  elements  so  that  they  can  no  longer 
be  disentangled  ;  they  have  been  modified  by  our 
institutions  and  environment  so  that  they  have  be- 
come constituent  parts  of  the  whole.  It  would  be 
absurd  to  trace  effect  back  to  a  specific  cause  or 
to  say  that  certain  desirable  things  are  the  inheri- 
tance from  our  American  ancestry  and  that  others, 
—  undesirable  ones,  —  are  the  result  of  immigration. 
We  can,  however,  study  tendencies.  We  can 
distinguish  certain  characteristics  of  the  American 
people  before  the  immigration  commenced  and  say 
whether  we  are  preserving  or  losing  them.  We 
have  statistics  of  the  participation  of  persons  of 
foreign  birth  in  the  crime,  vice  and  illiteracy  of 
the    community    so    that    we   can   reason   that   the 


150  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

average  is  increased  or  decreased  by  their  presence. 
All  these  things  are  tendencies  only.  They  may 
be  merely  temporary  evils  which  will  cure  them- 
selves, and  which  should  cause  no  uneasiness.  We 
must  not  lay  too  much  stress  on  figures  alone,  for 
they  may  be  badly  gathered  or  misleading  in  many 
respects.  With  this  proviso  we  go  on  to  study  cer- 
tain facts  about  the  participation  of  our  citizens  of 
foreign  birth  in  the  social  life  of  the  community. 

From  general  observation  and  from  the  statistics 
of  occupations  we  know  that  the  great  mass  of  immi- 
grants come  from  the  lower  classes,  and  it  is  always 
true  that  mortality  is  greater,  and  crime,  vice,  pau- 
perism and  illiteracy  more  prevalent  among  the 
lower  classes  than  among  the  higher.  It  is  only 
natural  to  expect  therefore  that  the  foreign  born  will 
contrast  unfavorably  with  the  native  population  in  all 
these  respects,  simply  because  they  represent  more 
numerously  these  lower  classes.  It  is  not  neces- 
sarily true  that  these  people  are  more  depraved  or 
unfortunate  than  the  corresponding  class  in  our  own 
country,  but  they  simply  appear  so  because  we  are 
comparing  a  lower  class  with  a  population  including 
both  the  lower  and  the  upper  class.  This  does  not 
change  the  fact,  but  it  alters  the  complexion  of 
the  fact.  It  is  not  an  indictment  against  the  indi- 
vidual, for  he  may  not  be  any  more  vicious  or  indi- 
gent than  his  position  in  society  compels  him  to  be ; 


Social  Effects  of  Immigration.  1 5 1 

but  it  is  an  indictment  of  the  movement,  so  to  speak, 
which  forces  into  our  population  an  abnormal  propor- 
tion of  the  class  that  contributes  to  the  crime,  vice 
and  pauperism  of  the  community. 

This  distinction  is  an  important  one.  For  if 
criminality  and  poverty  are  simply  the  result  of  poor 
surroundings,  there  is  a  possibility  that  improved 
economic  condition  and  higher  social  position  may 
remove  the  tendency  and  change  the  immigrant  into 
a  virtuous,  law-abiding  and  self-supporting  citizen. 
In  many  cases  there  is  not  the  slightest  doubt  that 
residence  in  the  United  States  under  the  more  favor- 
able conditions  has  done  this.  Unfortunately  our 
statistics  cover  only  the  first  generation  and  these 
effects  work  themselves  out  most  completely  in 
the  second  and  succeeding  generations.  It  must 
always  be  borne  in  mind,  therefore,  that  the  statistics 
themselves  are  not  a  condemnation  in  toto  of  the 
persons  to  whom  they  pertain,  but  only  indicate  that 
they  have  come  from  unfortunate  conditions  and  that 
the  regenerative  forces  have  not  yet  had  a  chance  to 
work.  When  these  forces  have  had  a  chance  we 
may  witness  one  of  those  wonderful  transformations 
which  almost  make  us  believe,  in  social  science,  that 
a  man's  character  is  the  product  of  his  environment. 
This  distinction  points  to  a  further  investigation 
that  will  be  necessary.  That  is,  whether  there  are 
any  influences  at  work  in  Europe  for  the  purpose  of 


152  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

selecting  and  sending  to  us  the  depraved  and  weak. 
Such  a  process  condemns  itself  at  once.  It  deliber- 
ately chooses  out  of  bad  material  that  which  is  the 
worst  and  imposes  it  upon  us.  This  is  a  process  of 
natural  selection  which  can  only  be  a  hardship  to  us 
and  work  us  evil.  All  schemes  of  deportation  of 
criminals  and  paupers,  of  state-assisted  and  charity- 
assisted  emigration  must  be  condemned  and  protested 
against  by  us.  This  is  in  reality  the  most  important 
part  of  the  present  investigation  and  will  require 
close  treatment  in  the  following  chapter. 

One  more  observation  may  be  made  here,  in  re- 
gard to  the  statistics  of  vice  and  crime  and  their 
relation  to  the  foreign  born.  Mortality,  sickness, 
crime,  vice,  pauperism,  insanity  and  most  bodily 
afflictions  become  more  frequent  with  advancing 
age.  As  we  have  already  seen  both  immigrants 
and  foreign  born  are  abnormally  represented  in 
the  middle  and  upper  age  classes.  This  is  true  of 
the  immigrants  because  of  the  large  number  of 
adult  males.  It  is  still  more  true  of  the  foreign 
born  as  contrasted  with  the  native  born,  because 
the  children  of  the  former,  born  after  the  arrival  in 
this  country,  are  classed  with  the  native  born.  The 
result  is  that  any  comparison  of  the  amount  of  crime 
or  vice  or  pauperism  among  the  foreign  born  as  com- 
pared with  the  native  born  is  unfair.  Owing  to  the 
advanced   age   of    the   former   we   should   expect   a 


Social  Effects  of  Ininiigration.  153 

greater  amount.  It  is  in  most  cases  impossible  to 
disentano-le  the  statistics  so  as  to  correct  this  error. 
We  can  only  make  allowance  for  it. 

There  are  no  mortality  statistics  for  the  whole  of 
the  United  States  that  are  of  any  value  and  abso- 
lutely none  that  would  show  the  difference  in  mor- 
tality between  the  native  and  the  foreign  born.  It 
is  said  by  Dr.  Billings,  who  had  charge  of  the  vital 
statistics  of  the  Tenth  Census,  that  the  mortality  is 
greater  among  the  foreign  born  than  among  the 
natives,  just  as  it  is  greater  among  the  colored  than 
among  the  whites ;  but  this  is  in  all  probability  due 
to  the  economic  condition  of  those  classes.  In  cer- 
tain specific  diseases  the  Irish  and  Germans  show  a 
larger  mortality  than  the  native  born  ;  but  any  con- 
clusions from  the  data  are  vitiated  by  the  fact  men- 
tioned above  that  the  children  of  the  foreign  born 
are  numbered  among  the  natives,  so  that  it  is  impos- 
sible to  attribute  the  increased  mortality  to  race  or 
nationality.  It  would  be  an  extremely  interesting 
and  valuable  inquiry  to  determine  the  influence  of 
the  foreign  born  on  our  birth  and  mortality  rate 
and  the  prevalence  of  different  diseases,  but  it 
needs  much  more  accurate  statistics  than  any  we 
possess  as  yet. 

Particular  attention  has  been  directed  to  the  large 
proportion  of  insane  in  the  United  States  who  are  of 
foreign  birth.     The  census  of  1880  returned  65,651 


154  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

insane  people  as  of  native  birth,  and  26,346  as  of 
foreign.  That  is  the  foreigners  are  nearly  one  in 
three  of  the  insane,  while  they  are  only  one  in  eight 
of  the  population.  So  Dr.  Hoyt,  the  Secretary  of 
the  New  York  State  Board  of  Health,  says:  "The 
number  of  insane  committed  to  its  (New  York's)  va- 
rious state  hospitals  for  acute  cases  during  1886, 
coming  mainly  from  the  rural  counties,  was  1248,  of 
whom  868  were  of  native  and  380  of  foreign  birth,  it 
being  an  excess  of  nearly  42  per  cent  in  the  ratio  of 
the  insane  in  the  foreign  born  population  over  the 
ratio  of  the  insane  arising  from  the  native  popula- 
tion." In  the  cities  the  proportion  is  much  greater. 
These  and  similar  figures  have  been  subjected  to  a 
close  analysis  by  Dr.  C.  L.  Dana,i  who  points  out 
that  the  proportion  is  not  just,  because  insanity  is 
a  disease  of  adult  life  and  the  advanced  age  of  the 
foreign  born  would  naturally  give  them  a  large  pro- 
portion. "The  real  facts  are  that  about  one-fifth  of 
the  persons  susceptible  to  insanity  are  foreign  born 
and  these  furnish  a  little  over  one-fourth  of  the  in- 
sane, or  a  little  over  their  just  proportion.  The  ratio 
of  foreign  born  insane  to  foreign  born  adults  is  .047 
per  cent  and  the  ratio  of  native  insane  to  native 
adult  whites  is  .041  per  cent,  and  to  total  native 
adults  .036  per  cent." 

1  Paper  read  before  the  American  Social  Science  Association,  Sep- 
tember 7,  1887. 


Social  Effects  of  Imniigmtioii.  155 

Dr.  Dana  has  also  studied  the  frequency  of  ner- 
vous diseases  among  the  foreign  and  the  native  born. 
The  conclusions  of  his  valuable  paper  are  as  follows  : 

"  I.  The  statements  as  to  the  excessive  influence  of  immi- 
grants in  increasing  nervous  diseases  are  based  on  an  incorrect 
study  of  statistics. 

"2.  Tlie  immigrants  do  slightly  and  directly  increase  the 
amount  of  insanity  out  of  proportion  to  the  native  population. 

"3.  Immigration  increases  insanity  indirectly  through  influ- 
ence on  social  life  and  through  introduction  of  poor  nervous 
stock. 

"  4.  Only  a  portion  and  certain  special  races  have  these  ten- 
dencies to  nervous  and  mental  disease. 

"  5.  The  portion  probably  includes  all  Mongolians,  the  Asi- 
atic and  African  Semites,  Celts  and  Iberians. 

"6.  Immigrants  develop  a  slight  excess  of  organic  nervous 
diseases,  but  fewer  functional  nervous  diseases  proportionally  than 
the  natives. 

"7.  Portions  (the  neuropathic  races),  however,  soon  develop 
functional  diseases  to  excess  in  the  children." 

The  census  of  1880  showed  an  abnormal  propor- 
tion of  blind  among  the  foreign  born,  but  a  small 
proportion  of  idiotic  and  of  deaf  and  dumb,  indicat- 
ing clearly  the  influence  of  the  age  proportions. 

It  does  not  seem  possible,  however,  with  bald  statis- 
tics to  prove  that  the  foreign  born  contribute  more 
than  their  share  to  the  defective  and  crippled  portion 
of  the  community.  Probably  the  most  careful  statis- 
tical   investigation    of   this    sort    ever   made   in   the 


156  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

United  States  is  that  contained  in  the  Massachusetts 
Census  of  1885.  The  results  there  seemed  to  show 
that  the  foreign  born  contributed  proportionally 
rather  less  than  more  to  the  defective  classes.^  The 
foreign  born  were  27.  i  per  cent  of  the  whole  popu- 
lation. Among  the  insane  they  were  37  per  cent ; 
among  the  chronic  diseased  they  were  32.8  per  cent ; 
among  the  blind,  29.2  per  cent;  among  the  maimed, 
27.8  per  cent.  In  all  these  cases  they  were  abnor- 
mally represented ;  but  these  are  directly  the  cases 
where  the  defect  is  more  frequent  among  adults 
than  among  children.  But  the  foreign  born  were  34 
per  cent  of  the  total  population  fourteen  years  of  age 
and  over,  and  36.5  per  cent  of  the  population  twenty 
years  of  age  and  over.  It  would  seem  therefore  that 
they  contributed  rather  less  than  their  share  to  these 
defective  classes.  Still  further  while  the  foreign 
born  were  27.1  per  cent  of  the  entire  population, 
among  the  acute  diseased  they  were  only  26.3  per 
cent;  among  the  lame,  25.5  per  cent;  among  the 
bedridden,  22.8  per  cent;  among  the  paralytic,  21.5 
per  cent;  among  the  deaf  and  dumb,  17  per  cent; 
among  the  dumb,  16.4  per  cent;  among  the  deaf, 
14.3  per  cent ;  among  the  deformed,  14.4  per  cent ; 
and  among  the  idiotic,  10.4  per  cent.  Some  of 
these  low  percentages  are  explicable  by  the  small 
number  of   children   among   the   foreign    born,   just 

^  Massachusetts  Census,  1885,  vol.  i,  part  2,  p.  cxxvii. 


Social  Effects  of  Innnigration.  157 

as  the  large  percentages  are  by  the  large  number 
of  adults.  Idiocy  for  instance  is  a  disease  of  child- 
hood and  idiots  are  as  a  class  short  lived.  The  same 
is  true  to  a  less  extent  of  the  deaf  and  dumb  and  of 
the  deformed.  They  are  short  lived  because  in  most 
cases  their  infirmity  is  accompanied  by  a  general 
constitutional  weakness  or  by  difficulty  in  gaining  a 
livelihood.  The  bedridden  and  the  paralytic  again 
would  probably  be  people  well  advanced  in  life  and 
the  foreign  born  are  poorly  represented  in  the  high- 
est age  classes. 

If  we  turn  to  other  domains  of  social  life,  such  as 
crime,  pauperism,  and  illiteracy,  we  shall  find  the 
statistics  much  more  unfavorable  to  the  foreign 
born. 

In  regard  to  crime,  it  is  an  undoubted  fact  that  a 
large  proportion  of  our  criminals  and  convicts  are  of 
foreign  birth.  This  was  shown  by  the  census  of 
1880,  although  the  statistics  are  so  incomplete  that 
they  are  scarcely  worth  quoting.  The  record  of 
every  prison  and  penitentiary  in  the  United  States 
would  show  an  abnormal  proportion  of  foreigners. 
I  shall  give  only  the  statistics  of  Massachusetts,  be- 
cause they  disclose  not  alone  the  place  of  birth  of 
prisoners  and  convicts,  but  also  their  parent  nativity. 
In  Massachusetts  in  1885  while  27.1  per  cent  of  the 
population  were  foreign  born,  40.60  per  cent  of  the 
prisoners  and  36.87  per  cent   of  the  convicts  were 


158  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

foreign  born.  Even  considering  that  34  per  cent  of 
the  population  of  the  age  of  fourteen  and  over  are  for- 
eign born,  here  is  an  abnormal  proportion.  But  the 
figures  are  much  more  important  when  we  take  the 
parentage  of  the  prisoners  and  convicts  into  consid- 
eration. Of  the  whole  number  of  prisoners  only 
16.99  psr  cent  have  both  parents  native  born,  60.30 
per  cent  have  both  parents  foreign  born,  while  of 
the  remainder  the  parentage  was  unknown.  Of  the 
convicts,  19.70  per  cent  have  both  parents  native 
born,  51.14  per  cent  have  both  parents  foreign  born, 
and  of  the  remainder  the  parentage  is  unknown. 
Even  when  we  consider  that  47.36  per  cent  of  the 
people  of  Massachusetts  were  of  foreign  parentage, 
these  proportions  appear  excessive. 

It  is  in  the  statistics  of  pauperism  and  poor  relief 
that  we  find  the  most  accentuated  indication  of  the 
presence  of  the  immigrants.  Many  of  them  are  almost 
entirely  without  resources.  When  they  fail  to  get 
work  their  scanty  savings  are  quickly  exhausted  and 
they  are  obliged  to  apply  to  public  or  private  char- 
ity. The  Secretary  of  State  of  New  York  reported 
in  1887  that  there  were  in  county  poorhouses  9172 
native  paupers  and  9288  foreign  born  paupers ;  while 
in  city  poorhouses  there  were  18,001  natives  and 
34,167  foreign  born. 

In  Massachusetts  they  distinguish  between  home- 
less children  and  paupers.     The  former  are  less  than 


Social  Effects  of  Immigration.  1 59 

twenty-one  years  of  age  and  are  dependants  through 
no  fault  of  their  own.  They  have  not  had  any  real 
chance  to  support  themselves.  By  far  the  greater 
number  of  them  are  of  native  birth  as  might  be  ex- 
pected, viz.,  93.25  per  cent.  But  when  we  inquire  as 
to  the  parentage  of  these  children,  we  find  that  only 
21.64  per  cent  of  all  the  homeless  children  had  both 
parents  native  born,  that  31.29  per  cent  had  both 
parents  foreign  born,  and  the  remainder  were  of 
mixed  or  unknown  parentage.  It  is  the  children  of 
the  immigrants  who  make  up  a  large  portion  of  this 
unfortunate  class. 

Of  the  paupers  in  Massachusetts  44.03  per  cent  are 
of  foreign  birth. ^  The  parent  nativity  of  the  pau- 
pers is  very  doubtful ;  26.23  per  cent  had  both  parents 
native  born,  35.75  per  cent  had  both  parents  foreign 
born,  while  the  remainder  were  of  mixed  or  unknown 
parentage. 

The  state  of  New  York  suffers  more  than  any 
other  from  increased  pauperism  due  to  immigration, 
because  the  largest  number  of  immigrants  land  at 
the  port  of  New  York,  and  if  disabled  or  unable  to 
work  drift  into  the  almshouse  or  asylum.  The  State 
Board  of  Charities  gave  the  following  facts  in  their 
annual  report  for  the  year  1887: 

1  It  is  an  astonishing  fact  that  out  of  3696  paupers  of  foreign  birth, 
2829  were  Irish,  i.e.  76.5  per  cent,  although  the  Irish  constituted  only 
46.4  per  cent  of  the  total  foreign  born.  Massachusetts  Census,  vol.  I, 
part  2,  p.  1265. 


i6o  Etnigraiion  and  Immigration. 

"During  the  year  ending  September  30,  1887,  the  Board,  in 
pursuance  of  chapter  549  of  the   Laws  of   1880,   removed   216 
chronic  and  disabled  ahen  paupers  to  their  homes  in  different 
countries  of  Europe  as  follows:  To  Germany,  68;   to  Ireland, 
48;  to  England,  50;  to  Switzerland,  10;  to  Sweden,  9;  to  Nor- 
way, 8 ;  to  Scotland,  5  ;  to  Denmark,   i  ;  to  Austria-Hungary, 
10;  to  France,  2;  to  Russia,  4;  to  Holland,  2;  and  to  Italy,  2. 
All  of  these  helpless   persons  were  found  in   the   poorhouses, 
almshouses  and  other  charitable  institutions  of  this  state,  most 
of  whom  had  been  dependent  upon  the  state  or  its  cities  and 
counties  from  the  time  of  their  arrival  in  the  country,  and  their 
physical  and  mental  condition  was  generally  such  as  to  preclude 
their  becoming  self-supporting  had  they  remained.     From  the 
records  of  the  examinations  of  these  persons,  kept  in  the  office 
of  the  Board,  it  appears  that  153    of  them  reached  this  state 
through  the  port  of  New  York,  34  through  other  United  States 
ports,  and  29  by  the  way  of  Canadian  ports,  all  shipped  from 
their  homes  abroad  by  the  following  agencies,  viz. :    By  cities 
and  towns,  36;  by  benevolent  organizations  and  societies,  89; 
and  by  relatives  and  friends,  91.     Their  condition  at  the  time  of 
landing,  as  shown  by  the  examinations,  was  as  follows  :  Feeble- 
minded, so  as  to  be  incapable  of  providing  for  themselves,  52 ; 
imbecile,  26;    lunatic,  25;  vagrant  and  diseased,  27;  crippled, 
21;  old  and  decrepit,  10;  blind,  8;  epileptic,  7;    paralytic,  5; 
deaf  and  dumb,  3 ;  otherwise  infirm  or  diseased,  32.     The  total 
expense  of  removing  these  216  helpless  alien  paupers  to  their 
respective  homes  abroad   during   the   year  was  $4,358.47;    the 
per  capita  expense,  $20.18.     The  whole  number  of  such  paupers 
thus  removed,  since  the  act  went  into  effect,  has  been  839 ;  the 
aggregate  expense,  $18,000.37;  the  average  expense  per  person, 
$21.45.    The  authorities  of  the  cities  and  towns,  and  the  societies 
and  friends  or  relatives  abroad,  shipping  these  paupers  to  this 
country,  have,  whenever  practicable,  been  notified  of  their  return, 


Social  Effects  of  Ivunigration.  i6i 

and  no  complaint  has  been  made  that  any  of  them  have  been  im- 
properly removed.  It  should  be  added,  that  of  the  paupers  thus 
returned  to  their  European  homes,  no  cases  have  reappeared, 
and  this  state,  and  its  cities  and  counties,  have  thereby  been 
relieved  of  their  permanent  maintenance  and  care." 

Illiteracy  in  the  United  States  is  vastly  increased 
by  immigration.  It  could  hardly  be  otherwise.  The 
immigrants  are  from  the  lower  classes,  where  illiter- 
acy is  always  most  prevalent;  many  of  them  are  from 
countries  like  Italy,  Hungary,  and  French  Canada, 
where  the  population  at  best  is  ignorant.  The  re- 
sult is  that  in  many  of  our  Northern  States  where 
schools  have  been  established  and  cherished  for 
many  years  there  is  a  steady  increase  of  illiteracy 
from  decade  to  decade.  The  census  of  1880  reported 
that  9.4  per  cent  of  the  white  population  above  the 
age  of  ten  years  could  neither  read  nor  write.  But 
while  of  the  native  white  population  of  that  age  only 
%."]  per  cent  were  illiterate,  of  the  foreign  born  white 
population  of  that  age  12  per  cent  could  neither  read 
nor  write.  In  the  Southern  States  the  illiteracy  was 
greater  among  the  native  white  than  among  the  for- 
eign born.  That  is  due  to  the  general  lack  of  educa- 
tion in  that  section  and  the  degraded  condition  of  the 
poor  whites  before  the  war.  In  the  Northern  States, 
wherever  there  has  been  a  considerable  immigration, 
the  illiteracy  is  higher  among  the  foreign  than  among 
the  native  born.     That  is  the  case  in  the  states  of 


1 62  Emigration  and  Ivimigration. 

Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New 
York,  Pennsylvania  and  many  others. 

Take  the  state  of  Massachusetts,  for  instance, 
where  the  foreign  elements  are  well  defined.  The 
total  number  of  illiterates  in  that  state  in  1885  was 
122,263,  but  of  these  only  13,898  were  native  born, 
while  108,365  (88.63  per  cent)  were  foreign  born.^  By 
illiterates  is  meant  those  (above  the  age  of  ten)  who 
cannot  read,  or  cannot  write,  or  can  neither  read  nor 
write,  any  language.  But  besides  these  there  were 
many  who  could  not  read  and  write  English  although 
they  could  read  and  write  some  other  language.  There 
were  not  less  than  30,883  such  persons,  almost  all 
foreign  born.^  There  were  18,231  persons  (including 
French  Canadians)  who  could  read  and  write  French, 
6525  who  could  read  and  write  German,  898  who 
could  read  and  write  Italian,  850  who  could  read  and 
write  Portuguese,  and  3146  who  could  read  and  write 
Swedish,  although  none  of  these  persons  could  read 
and  write  English.  In  Massachusetts  therefore  there 
were  over  138,000  persons  among  the  foreign  born  of 
the  age  of  ten  years  and  over,  who  could  not  read  and 
write  English. 

Illiteracy  in  Massachusetts  is  due  almost  entirely  to 
the  presence  of  the  foreign  born.  Of  the  native  born 
ten  years  of  age  and  over  only  a  small  fraction,  (1.29 

^  Census  of  Massachusetts,  1885,  vol.  i,  part  2,  p.  Ixxi. 
^  Census  of  Massachusetts,  vol.  i,  part  2,  p.  xcix. 


Social  Effects  of  Immigration.  163 

per  cent,)  were  illiterate,  while  of  the  foreign  born  of 
that  age  not  less  than  21.50  per  cent  were  totally 
illiterate,  while  27.50  per  cent  could  neither  read  nor 
write  English.  Since  1875  the  illiteracy  among  the 
native  born  has  decreased  while  among  the  foreign 
born  it  has  increased.  When  therefore  it  is  stated 
that  7.73  per  cent  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts  are 
illiterate,  this  is  due  to  no  fault  of  the  school  system 
but  to  immigration. 

The  illiteracy  among  the  foreign  born  is  practically 
incurable  because  they  are  for  the  most  part  advanced 
in  life.  Of  the  108,365  foreign  born  iUiterates,  more 
than  100,000  are  twenty  years  of  age  and  over,  that 
is,  beyond  the  age  when  they  can  go  to  school.  This 
is  the  incurable  illiteracy  which  will  never  be  re- 
moved. Of  the  native  born  illiterates  only  9530  are 
twenty  years  of  age  and  over,  a  very  small  fraction 
of  the  total  population. 

The  illiteracy  among  the  foreign  born  of  Massa- 
chusetts is  due  most  largely  to  two  nationalities,  the 
Irish  and  the  French  Canadians.  Of  the  108,356 
illiterates  among  the  foreign  born  ten  years  of  age 
and  over,  not  less  than  67,169  were  born  in  Ireland, 
and  24,190  were  French  Canadians.^  Of  all  the  illit- 
erates in  Massachusetts  those  of  Irish  birth  make  up 
54.95  per  cent  and  those  of  French  Canadian  birth 
19.78  per  cent.     Of  the  Irish  in  Massachusetts  ten 

^  Census  of  Massachusetts,  p.  Ixxxviii. 


164  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

years  of  age  and  over,  27.85  per  cent  are  illiterate, 
showing  a  greater  illiteracy  than  is  common  among 
the  foreign  born.  Of  the  French  Canadians  of  the 
age  of  ten  years  and  over,  41.39  per  cent  are  totally 
illiterate,  while  29.06  per  cent  can  read  or  write 
French  but  not  English,  leaving  only  29.55  per  cent 
who  can  read  or  write  English  ;  that  is,  less  than  one- 
third.  The  case  of  the  Italians  is  similar  although 
less  serious  because  the  absolute  number  is  as  yet 
small.  But  of  the  Italians  already  in  Massachusetts, 
49.88  per  cent  are  totally  illiterate,  24  per  cent  can 
read  or  write  Italian  but  not  English,  leaving  only 
26.12  per  cent  who  can  read  and  write  English.^ 

These  figures  show  what  a  very  serious  evil  the 
people  of  Massachusetts  have  to  contend  with  owing 
to  the  influx  of  this  ignorant  foreign  element.  The 
evil  tends  to  correct  itself  in  the  second  generation 
because  the  children  of  persons  of  foreign  birth  may 
take  advantage  of  free  schools  and  learn  to  read  and 
write.  But  it  is  a  difficult  task  to  educate  these 
children  coming  from  ignorant  households,  and  they 
are  very  apt  to  lose  the  little  education  they  get, 
when  they  return  to  work  among  their  people.  Still 
further,  the  statistics  seem  to  show  that  the  tendency 
to  illiteracy  extends  to  the  second  generation.  For 
of  the  13,898  native  born  illiterates,  not  less  than 
7924  were  of  foreign,  mixed  or  unknown  parentage. 

1  Census  of  Massachusetts,  vol.  i,  part  2,  p.  1142, 


Social  Effects  of  Immigration.  165 

Of  all  the  illiterates  in  Massachusetts  only  5974  were 
of  native  parentage.  It  does  seem  as  if  the  people 
of  Massachusetts,  had  they  had  only  their  own  igno- 
rance to  struggle  with,  would  have  reduced  illiteracy 
to  a  mere  shadow,  —  an  unavoidable  accompaniment 
of  those  various  phases  of  misfortune  such  as  pauper- 
ism, insanity,  idiocy  and  defective  physical  condition 
which  will  never  be  entirely  extirpated. 

So  far  statistics  carry  us  and  no  further.  They 
take  notice  only  of  overt  acts  or  of  the  presence  of 
certain  capacities  or  incapacities.  They  cannot 
measure  disposition  or  social  inclination.  We  read 
in  them,  however,  indications  that  the  social  health 
of  the  community  is  suffering,  in  some  measure  at 
least,  by  this  influx  of  foreigners,  —  that  the  struggle 
of  the  community  with  unsocial  and  deteriorating 
elements  is  made,  in  some  measure  at  least,  more 
difficult.  It  is  said  that  you  cannot  draw  an  indict- 
ment against  a  whole  nation.  In  the  same  way  you 
cannot  say  that  any  section  of  the  whole  community 
is  an  unmitigated  evil.  Even  the  negro  has  his 
place  in  our  social  economy,  and  one  it  would 
perhaps  be  difficult  to  fill.  But  you  have  a  perfect 
right  to  say  that  the  presence  of  certain  elements  or 
the  characteristics  of  certain  portions  of  the  popula- 
tion make  social  development  more  difficult.  It  is  in 
this  sense  that  we  study  the  social  effects  of  immi- 
gration. 


1 66  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

And,  leaving  the  field  of  statistics,  we  cannot 
close  our  eyes  to  the  fact  that  those  national  traits 
enumerated  in  the  first  chapter,  such  as  respect  for 
law  and  order,  self-reliance,  humane  treatment  of 
women  and  children,  good  temper,  etc.,  which  are 
none  the  less  real  for  being  incapable  of  exact  meas- 
urement, are  not  likely  to  be  strengthened  in  the  first 
instance  by  the  introduction  of  some  of  these  foreign 
elements.  These  traits  are  the  fruit  of  democracy, 
and  the  lower  elements  of  the  population  of  Europe 
have  not  been  trained  to  them.  The  Irish  Molly 
Maguires  of  the  Pennsylvania  coal  fields  have  been 
succeeded  by  the  Poles  and  Hungarians  who  now 
represent  the  elements  of  violence  and  disorder.  In 
every  socialistic  labor  party  there  is  an  extreme 
wing,  —  anarchistic  or  revolutionary,  —  which  is 
always  led  by  persons  of  foreign  birth.  The  demand 
for  state  interference  and  regulation,  which  seems 
unnecessary  to  the  Anglo-Saxon,  seems  perfectly 
natural  to  the  German  who  has  for  centuries  been 
living  under  paternal  government.  The  French 
Canadian  sees  no  reason  why  wife  and  child  should 
be  kept  out  of  the  factory,  and  has  ideas  of  home 
life  repugnant  to  the  New  Englander.  The  habit  of 
seeking  vengeance  for  personal  wrongs  with  the 
stiletto  clings  to  the  immigrant  from  South  Italy 
after  he  reaches  this  country,  although  it  is  repug- 
nant to  the  character  of  our  people  in   their  more 


Social  Effects  of  Ivwiigratioji.  167 

temperate  climate.  The  habits  of  life  and  methods 
of  living  of  many  of  the  immigrants  are  undoubtedly 
below  what  economic  prosperity  has  enabled  us  to 
establish  in  this  country.  It  is  foolish  to  maintain 
that  these  are  desirable  elements  to  be  added  to  our 
social  life. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

ASSISTED    EMIGRATION    AND    IMMIGRATION. 

Emigration  has  been  viewed  with  different  feel 
ings  at  different  periods.  During  the  middle  ages 
it  was  considered  a  loss  to  the  community  to  have 
its  members  change  their  domicile.  It  was  feared 
that  the  population  of  the  country  might  be  dimin- 
ished ;  or  trade  secrets  be  carried  into  other  lands  ; 
or  the  military  strength  of  the  home  country  be 
weakened.  Over-population  was  not  felt,  and  coun- 
tries looked  upon  each  other  as  rivals  and  possible 
enemies.  PubHc  opinion  was  in  consequence  hostile 
to  emigration  and  active  measures  were  taken  to  pre- 
vent it.  It  was  only  in  exceptional  cases,  such  as 
religious  persecution,  that  it  occurred,  and  the  state 
stood  by  indifferent  or  opposed  to  it.  Thus  the 
cities  of  Switzerland  forbade  emigration  :  —  Basel  as 
early  as  1767,  Zurich  in  1770,  Schaffhausen  in  1817. 
The  Swiss  government  early  directed  its  consuls  to 
watch  the  fate  of  Swiss  emigrants,  and  it  published 
the  reports  of  these  consuls  detailing  the  hardships 
which  the  emigrants  endured  in  the  strange  country.^ 

1  Karrer,  Das  Schweizcrische  Ansvvandcrungswesen.     S.  7. 

168 


Assisted  Emigration  and  Ininiigration.        169 

Two  considerations  induced  men  to  look  with 
more  favor  on  emigration.  One  was  colonial  inter- 
ests ;  the  other  was  the  tempting  opportunity  to 
get  rid  of  worthless  members  of  the  community. 
The  great  colonial  powers  desired  to  see  their  colo- 
nies grow  in  population  for  the  sake  of  the  increased 
trade  and  commerce  thereby  brought  to  the  home 
country.  This  induced  economists,  especially  the 
English,  to  take  the  position  that  emigration  was  a 
good  thing  both  for  the  home  country  and  for  the 
emigrant.  The  former  gained  a  market  for  its 
goods ;  the  latter  bettered  his  own  economic  con- 
dition and  produced  cheaper  food  for  those  that 
remained  behind.^  The  rapid  introduction  of  machin- 
ery made  good  the  loss  of  labor.  Still,  most  govern- 
ments did  not  feel  called  upon  either  to  hinder  or  to 
encourage  the  movement. 

In  course  of  time  another  and  more  subtle  motive 
has  revealed  itself.  In  small  and  poor  communities 
the  burden  of  supporting  those  unable  to  work  has 
always  been  severely  felt.  By  emigration  there 
seemed  to  be  a  way  of  escaping  it.  The  poor,  with 
a  little  financial  aid,  might  be  sent  on  a  journey 
from  which  they  would  never  return  to  trouble 
the    commune.       In    some    cases    there    may    have 

1  Fawcett,  Political  Economy,  p.  145.  Emigration,  however,  would 
cease  to  he  a  remedy  for  over-population  as  soon  as  the  colonies  be- 
came thickly  settled,     p.  235. 


170  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

been  a  hope  that  these  persons  would  really  find 
an  opportunity  to  begin  a  more  prosperous  career. 
The  poor  themselves  were  often  anxious  to  go, 
being  deluded  by  false  and  exaggerated  reports  of 
the  chances  for  success  in  the  countries  beyond  the 
sea.  It  was  easy  to  accede  to  these  desires  and  by 
a  small  advance  of  money  at  the  present  moment 
to  escape  the  future  support  of  the  paupers.  The 
Swiss  cantons  seem  to  have  been  the  first  to  hit 
on  this  expedient.  As  early  as  1854  the  Swiss 
federal  government  notified  the  cantons  that  the 
United  States  was  complaining  of  the  sending  of 
paupers  and  helpless  people  from  Switzerland,  and 
that  the  communes  must  be  more  careful  or  repres- 
sive measures  might  follow.  As  time  went  on  the 
federal  government  tried  to  restrain  the  emigration 
of  poor  Swiss  because  they  became  a  burden  to  the 
Swiss  consuls  in  America  to  whom  they  were  con- 
stantly applying  for  relief.  The  assistance  was  still 
continued  by  the  cantons  and  by  charitable  societies, 
so  that  in  1855  it  was  said  that  of  a  total  number  of 
2000  Swiss  emigrants  one-half  had  been  assisted. 
The  federal  administration  had  no  power  to  interfere 
until  the  law  of  1880  was  passed  giving  it  the  right 
to  regulate  agencies. 

With  this  disposition  on  the  part  of  local  govern- 
ing bodies  it  is  not  surprising  that  cases  are  con- 
stantly coming  to  light   where   unfit   persons   have 


Assisted  Emigration  and  Immigration.       171 

been  assisted  to  leave  their  homes.  To  the  petty 
burgomaster  mind,  intent  on  saving  a  few  francs  in 
taxation,  the  temptation  to  "assist"  a  pauper  to 
remove  himself  from  the  locality  and  thus  free  the 
poor  funds  from  the  burden  of  his  support  must 
oftentimes  be  well-nigh  irresistible.  And  this  can 
be  accomplished  in  such  indirect  ways,  and  it  is  so 
difficult  to  distinguish  between  the  pauper  and  the 
man  who  is  merely  poor,  that  it  is  almost  impossible 
to  detect  such  cases.  Then  again  in  the  case  of 
criminals,  it  is  so  easy  for  the  police  authorities 
simply  to  intimate  to  doubtful  characters  that  it  is 
better  for  them  to  betake  themselves  to  places  where 
they  are  not  known,  and  even  to  furnish  them  a 
ticket  with  that  end  in  view,  that  it  is  a  wonder  they 
do  not  resort  to  such  expedients  more  frequently. 
It  is  not  probable  that  one-tenth  of  these  cases  ever 
come  to  light ;  or  they  are  discovered  only  when  we 
inquire  into  the  past  history  of  criminals  detected  in 
this  country.  A  few  typical  instances  may  be  men- 
tioned here. 

The  most  celebrated  case  occurred  while  Mr. 
Nicholas  Fish  was  United  States  Charge  d' Affaires 
at  Berne.  Mr.  Fish  learned  incidentally  that  one  of 
the  cantons  had  paid  the  passage  to  America  of  an 
imbecile  pauper.  He  immediately  telegraphed  to 
the  United  States  consul  at  Liverpool  who  notified 
the  steamship  company  and  the  man  was  returned. 


1/2  E^nigration  and  Immigration. 

The  incident  gave  rise  to  considerable  correspond- 
ence between  the  two  governments  and  resulted  in 
stricter  surveillance  of  intending  emigrants.^ 

According  to  the  testimony  of  a  Mr.  Wolff  before 
the  Ford  Immigration  committee  (p.  io6)  there  exists 
in  Munich  a  society  for  the  purpose  of  assisting 
discharged  convicts  to  begin  life  again.  The  object 
is  surely  an  excellent  one,  but  one  means  of  effect- 
ing it  is  to  send  the  persons  out  of  the  country.  Ac- 
cording to  its  own  reports  the  society  assisted,  in 
the  year  1883  alone,  twenty-seven  discharged  con- 
victs who  wished  to  emigrate,  and  its  branches  in 
the  provinces  five  others;  and  in  1884  the  society 
assisted  twenty-five  such  emigrants  and  the  branches 
five  others.  In  Boston  the  agent  of  the  State  Board 
of  Lunacy  and  Charity  testified  (p.  558)  that  he  had 
detected  two  cases  of  discharged  convicts  who  had 
been  assisted  by  British  authorities  to  come  to  this 
country.  These  cases  are  isolated  ones.  It  is 
extremely  difficult  to  detect  them,  as  often  the  only 
testimony  is  from  the  criminal  himself  who  will  of 
course  deny  that  he  has  ever  before  been  the  inmate 
of  a  prison. 

During  recent  years  emigration  of  paupers  and 
poor  people  from  Europe  has  been  assisted  in  various 

1  Many  similar  cases  will  be  found  mentioned  in  the  correspond- 
ence between  the  State  Department  and  Mr.  Fish.  Foreign  Rela- 
tions of  United  States,  1879-1881. 


Assisted  Emigratioji  attd  Inimigratio7t.        173 

ways  :  —  By  poor-law  authorities  ;  by  charitable  socie- 
ties and  persons ;  by  remittances  and  prepaid  tickets 
from  relatives  and  friends  in  this  country  ;  and  by 
steamship  agents  and  brokers  who  have  made  it  a  busi- 
ness to  induce  people  to  emigrate  and  have  advanced 
money  to  them  or  paid  their  passages  and  collected 
the  sum  after  their  arrival.  When  we  take  all  these 
together  we  shall  see  that  a  very  large  percentage 
of  the  immigration  is  stimulated  in  various  ways. 

The  British  government  has  been  the  most  active 
in  assisting  paupers  and  poor  persons  to  emigrate. 
It  has  done  so  for  the  purpose  of  colonization  and  to 
relieve  the  pressure  of  population,  especially  in  the 
poorer  districts  of  Ireland  and  Scotland.  According 
to  a  memorandum  of  the  Local  Government  Board, 
of  September,  1886,  the  poor-law  guardians  have 
always  had  the  right  since  the  Poor  Law  act  of  1834 
to  use  money  from  the  rates  for  the  purpose  of 
assisting  paupers  to  emigrate.  They  can  even  assist 
poor  persons  who  have  not  yet  come  on  the  rates, 
except  that  "  no  orphan  or  deserted  children  can  be 
deported  unless  they  have  actually  come  on  the 
rates."  1  From  1851  to  1886  the  number  of  persons 
thus  assisted  was  40,154,  and  the  total  amount  of 
money  spent  was  ^152,902.^ 

1  Reports  of  U.  S.  Consuls,  pp.  375  and  458.  See  Aschrott,  Eng- 
lish Poor  Law  System,  pp.  42  and  200. 

2  Rep.  Local  Government  Board,  1886, 


1/4  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

In  Ireland,  as  early  as  1849,  poor-law  guardians 
were  authorized  to  borrow  money  for  the  purpose  of 
assisting  emigration.  By  the  Land  act  of  1881,  the 
Land  Commission  was  authorized  to  advance  to  poor- 
law  guardians,  by  way  of  a  loan,  money  to  assist 
emigration,  especially  of  families  from  the  poorer  and 
more  thickly  populated  districts  of  Ireland.  The 
amount  was  not  to  exceed  ^^200,000  and  not  more 
than  one-third  was  to  be  spent  in  any  one  year.  By 
the  Arrears  of  Rent  act  (1882),  the  Commissioner  of 
Public  Works  was  allowed  to  make  grants  in  aid  of 
emigration  in  certain  districts  where  the  union  could 
not  make  adequate  provision.  The  money  was  to 
come  from  the  Irish  Church  temporalities  fund  and 
was  not  to  exceed  ;^  100,000,  or  £'i^  to  each  person 
assisted.  The  following  year  (Tramways  act)  the 
amounts  were  raised  to  ;£200,ooo  and  £'^,  respec- 
tively. In  1887  the  Local  Government  Board  at 
Dublin  reported  that  there  was  still  an  unexpected 
balance  of  ^^23,000  which  could  be  devoted  to  this 
purpose  and  that  emigrants  had  been  selected  to  go. 

The  United  States  government  had  already  pro- 
tested against  assisted  emigration  of  paupers,  and 
the  Local  Government  Board  had  sent  out  instruc- 
tions that  in  future  only  those  should  be  selected  and 
aided  who  could  show  by  letters  that  they  had 
friends  on  this  side  of  the  water  who  would  be  will- 
ing to  receive  and  assist  them  when  once  landed.    It 


Assisted  Einigration  and  Immigration.        175 

was  felt  to  be  doubtful  if  the  United  States  govern- 
ment would  willingly  receive  even  such  assisted 
immigrants,  and  the  British  minister  in  Washington 
was  directed  to  make  inquiry  as  to  this  of  the  State 
Department.  Mr.  Bayard  in  answer  quoted  the  law 
of  1882,  which  says  that  "if  on  examination  there 
should  be  found  .  .  .  any  person  unable  to  take  care 
of  himself  or  herself  without  becoming  a  public 
charge,  they  [the  officers]  shall  report  the  same  in 
writing  to  the  collector  of  the  port,  and  such  persons 
shall  not  be  permitted  to  land."  Then  after  saying 
that  each  case  would  have  to  be  determined  on  its 
merits,  the  Secretary  goes  on  to  say : 

"  In  view  of  this  policy  and  tliese  laws,  this  Government  could 
not  fail  to  look  with  disfavor  and  concern  upon  the  sending  to 
this  country,  by  foreign  governmental  agencies  and  at  the  public 
cost,  of  persons  not  only  unlikely  to  develop  qualities  of  thrift 
and  self-support,  but  sent  here  because  it  is  assumed  that  they 
have  '  friends '  in  this  country  able  to  '  help  and  support ' 
them.  The  mere  fact  of  poverty  has  never  been  regarded  as 
an  objection  to  an  immigrant,  and  a  large  part  of  those  who  have 
come  to  our  shores  have  been  persons  who  relied  for  support 
solely  upon  the  exercise  of  thrift  and  manual  industry ;  and  to 
such  persons,  it  may  be  said,  the  development  of  this  country  has 
in  a  large  degree  been  due.  But  persons  whose  only  escape 
from  becoming  and  remaining  a  charge  upon  the  community  is 
the  expected,  but  entirely  contingent,  voluntary  help  and  support 
of  friends,  are  not  a  desirable  accession  to  our  population,  and 
their  exportation  hither  by  a  foreign  government,  in  order  to  get 


iy6  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

rid  of  the  burden  of  their  support,  could  scarcely  be  regarded 
as  a  friendly  act,  or  in  harmony  with  existing  Laws."  ^ 

Notwithstanding  this  attitude  of  the  United  States 
government,  the  assisted  emigrants  were  sent  for- 
ward. In  Philadelphia  those  who  had  letters  from 
friends  were  allowed  to  land.  In  New  York  they 
were  detained  by  the  commissioners  of  emigration, 
but  the  steamship  company  sued  out  a  writ  of  habeas 
corpus  and  they  were  released  by  Judge  Brown  on 
the  ground  that  the  commissioners  in  detaining  them 
simply  because  they  had  been  "assisted"  had  gone 
out  of  the  statute.  It  appears  therefore  that  under 
the  present  law  the  mere  fact  of  having  been  "as- 
sisted "  is  not  sufficient  to  prevent  immigrants  land- 
ing, but  the  commissioners  must  have  reason  to 
believe  that  the  persons  are  "  unable  to  support 
themselves  without  becoming  a  public  charge.  "^ 

In  connection  with  this  governmental  "  assisted  " 
emigration  two  societies  have  come  into  prominence 
in  England  with  the  same  object  in  view.  One  is 
the  so-called  Tuke  Committee  which  was  originated 
by  and  is  under  the  direction  of  Mr.  James  H.  Tuke ; 
and  the  other  is  the  National  Association  for  pro- 
moting State-Directed  Emigration  and  Colonization, 

1  Correspondence  relating  to  the  Admission  into  the  United  States 
of  Destitute  Aliens  and  State-Assisted  Emigrants.     London,  1887. 

2  See  Correspondence,  etc.  Also  testimony  of  Commissioner  Charles 
N.  Taintor,  Ford  Immigration  Committee,  p.  266. 


Assisted  Emigration  and  hnmigratiott.        177 

of  which  Lord  Brabazon  is  president.  The  Tuke 
Committee  1  was  organized  in  1882  for  the  purpose 
of  assisting  families  to  emigrate  in  order  to  relieve 
the  distress  existing  in  certain  congested  districts  of 
Ireland.  In  the  spring  of  that  year  the  Committee 
sent  to  various  destinations  in  Canada  and  the  United 
States  nearly  1500  persons,  about  260  families,  not 
in  any  way  assisted  either  by  the  government  or 
by  Poor-Law  Unions.  In  1883,  when  the  govern- 
ment, strongly  urged  thereto  by  the  Committee, 
took  up  the  emigration  question,  Lord  Spencer  re- 
quested the  Committee  to  undertake  the  emigration 
from  certain  distressed  districts  in  the  counties  of 
Mayo  and  Galway,  which  they  consented  to  do,  as 
well  as  to  supplement  the  capitation  grant  made  by 
the  government.  During  the  two  following  years 
the  Committee  with  the  aid  of  the  government  sent 
out  over  1000  families  or  nearly  8000  persons.  Dur- 
ing the  same  period  about  16,000  persons  were 
assisted  by  government  agencies.  Owing  to  the  co- 
operation of  the  Tuke  Committee  with  the  govern- 
ment the  two  classes  of  emigrants  became  confused, 
and  the  hostility  which  was  excited  on  account  of 
the  government-assisted  emigrants  extended  itself  to 
those  sent  out  by  the  Committee,  and  it  was  obliged 
to  suspend  operations. 

1  State  Aid  to  Emigrants  by  J.  H.  Tuke,  The  Nineteenth  Centiiry, 
Feb.  1885. 


1/8  Emigration  and  hnmigration. 

As  to  the  character  of  these  "assisted"  emigrants 
there  is  conflicting  testimony.  Mr.  Tuke  asserts  that 
his  committee  sent  out  no  paupers  and  that  they  care- 
fully examined  every  emigrant  they  assisted.  "They 
were  seen  on  at  least  three  or  more  occasions  by 
members  of  the  Committee  and  every  possible  infor- 
mation about  them  was  obtained  from  the  doctor, 
the  relieving  officer,  or  other  responsible  persons  best 
acquainted  with  each  particular  district."  The  emi- 
grants had  their  railroad  fares  to  the  interior  paid 
after  they  landed  and  were  provided  with  a  sum  of 
money  in  addition.  Mr.  Tuke  quotes  letters  from 
Bishop  Ireland  of  Minnesota,  Sir  Charles  Tupper, 
High  Commissioner  for  Canada,  and  others,  speaking 
of  the  good  character  of  the  immigrants  and  the 
general  success  that  attended  the  effort. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  were  distinct  complaints 
made  by  the  Canadian  authorities  that  the  immi- 
grants were  not  what  they  had  been  represented  to 
be,  and  the  colonial  government  withdrew  the  encour- 
agement which  it  had  at  first  given  the  undertaking. 
Proof  of  this  is  seen  in  the  letter  addressed  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  Department  of  Immigration,  Ontario, 
to  Mr.  H.  Hodgkin,  of  Mr.  Tuke's  Emigration  Com- 
mittee, from  which  the  following  extracts  are  made.^ 

1  Lord  Brabazon,  State-Directed  Emigration,  The  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury, Nov.  1884.  See  also  testimony  of  Dr.  Charles  S.  Hoyt,  Ford  Immi- 
gration Committee,  p.  238. 


Assisted  Emigration  and  Immigration.        179 

"  It  was  deemed  advisable  to  wait  and  see  liow  the  immigrants 
sent  out  last  year  under  the  auspices  of  the  Imperial  government 
would  fare  during  the  winter,  before  encouraging  more  of  the  same 
class  to  follow.  So  far  their  condition  is  not  encouraging,  as 
many  of  them  are  living  on  charity,  and  public  feeling  has  been 
somewhat  strongly  expressed,  in  the  public  press  and  otherwise, 
concerning  them.  This  remark  really  applies  to  the  people  sent 
out  by  the  unions,  but  they  are  so  closely  associated  in  the  pub- 
lic mind  with  those  sent  out  by  you,  that  it  will  be  hard  to  find 
employment  for  either  class  next  summer,  as  the  farmers  place 
but  little  value  on  their  labor,  and  the  people  of  the  cities  are 
afraid  of  laying  the  foundations  of  pauperism.  What  makes  mat- 
ters worse,  a  considerable  number  of  families  who  went  to  the 
United  States  last  summer  have  been  sent  back  to  Toronto,  and 
have  now  to  be  supported  by  charity. 

"  The  Ontario  government  has  therefore  decided  that  it  will 
no  longer  be  possible  to  give  assistance  to  any  class  of  workhouse 
or  union  people  either  in  the  way  of  meals  or  railway  passes. 

"  The  numbers  of  union  or  workhouse  people  sent  out  appear 
to  the  Commissioner  to  have  considerably  exceeded  the  number 
of  that  class  suggested  by  Major  Gaskell,  when  here,  as  likely 
to  be  forwarded.  They  are  also  inferior  as  a  class  to  those 
described  by  him.  .  .  .  The  difficulties  arising  in  selection  are 
quite  understood  and  appreciated.  For  these  reasons  it  will  not 
be  possible  any  longer  to  continue  the  arrangement  made  with 
Major  Gaskell  in  reference  to  the  workhouse  or  union  people 
who  may  be  forwarded,  and  therefore  the  special  privileges  which 
they  have  been  granted  under  that  arrangement  must  necessarily 
be  withdrawn. 

"  I  take  the  opportunity  of  stating,  for  the  benefit  of  your 
committee,  that  while  there  is  ample  room  in  this  province  for 
all  able-bodied  persons  of  both  sexes  who  are  willing  and  able  to 


l8o  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

work,  yet  these  two  features  are  essential  to  the  procuring  of  a  live> 
lihood  here,  namely,  ability  and  willingness  to  labor.  Many  per- 
sons in  the  older  countries  drift  into  the  workhouse  from  their 
inability  or  their  unwillingness  to  earn  a  livelihood  by  labor.  It 
is  impossible  to  provide  a  home  here  for  such  people." 

The  other  society,  of  which  Lord  Brabazon  is  presi- 
dent, has  a  much  more  ambitious  scheme.  It  desires 
that  the  government  shall  advance  money  to  persons 
willing  to  emigrate,  this  money  to  be  repaid  by  the 
emigrants  and  then  used  again  for  the  same  pur- 
pose. Lord  Brabazon  calculates  that  a  sum  of  one 
hundred  pounds  sterling  would  be  sufficient  to  remove 
a  family  to  Canada  and  settle  it  on  a  farm  granted 
by  the  Dominion  government.  If  the  government 
would  start  with  a  grant  of  1,000,000  pounds,  10,000 
families  could  thus  be  removed  in  one  year,  and  the 
congestion  of  population  in  the  east  end  of  London 
and  the  large  cities  be  relieved.  The  association  has 
the  backing  of  many  influential  men  and  the  support 
of  trade-unions  representing  150,000  members.  It 
has  appealed  to  both  a  Liberal  and  a  Conservative 
ministry  but  has  found  little  support  from  either, 
the  ministers  doubting  the  practicability  of  the 
scheme  and  whether  the  colonial  governments  would 
acquiesce  in  it.  In  February,  1887,  a  Parliamentary 
committee  consisting  of  32  members  of  the  House  of 
Lords  and  135  members  of  the  House  of  Commons 
was  formed  to  favor  state-assisted  emigration.     They 


Assisted  Emigration  and  Immigration.        i8i 

formulated  a  colonization  scheme  which  was  sub- 
mitted through  the  colonial  office  to  the  various 
governments.  It  met  with  a  very  chilling  reception, 
most  of  the  colonial  governments  declining  to  have 
anything  to  do  with  it.^ 

The  difficulty  with  all  these  schemes  of  assisted 
emigration  is  the  suspicion  which  the  colonial 
governments  cannot  help  entertaining  that  they 
are  attempts  to  get  rid  of  undesirable  members  of 
the  home  community  and  foist  them  on  to  the  new 
countries.  Lord  Brabazon  protests  very  vigorously 
against  this  in  the  article  quoted  above : 

"  And  here  it  would  be  well  to  make  it  clearly  understood 
that  the  advocates  of  the  state  direction  of  emigration,  as  repre- 
sented at  all  events  by  the  National  Association  for  promoting 
State-directed  Emigration  and  Colonization,  of  which  I  have  the 
honor  to  be  chairman,  do  not  propose  that  her  Majesty's  govern- 
ment should  transfer  the  idle,  the  vicious,  the  ne'er  do  well,  or 
the  pauper  from  the  slums  of  London  to  those  of  Melbourne  or 
Toronto  (as  seems  to  be  the  idea  of  some  of  the  opponents  of 
state  emigration) ,  nor  has  it  ever  been  proposed  that  any  indi- 
vidual should  be  sent  to  the  colonies  either  contrary  to  his  or 
her  desire,  or  without  the  concurrence  of  the  authorities  of  these 
colonies,  nor  is  there  any  intention  of  making  a  money  present 
to  any  emigrant  to  enable  him  to  proceed  to  the  colonies. 

"All  that  the  association  desires  is  that  the  British  govern- 
ment shall,  in  conjunction  with  the  colonial  authorities,  draw  up 

1  Correspondence  from  Colonial  Governments  in  answer  to  Memo- 
randum by  Parliamentary  Colonization  Committee  of  May  i,  1888, 
London,  1889. 


1 82  Emigration  and  hninigration. 

a  well-considered  scheme  of  emigration  and  colonization,  by 
means  of  which  able-bodied  and  industrious  7/ien  wJio  may  not 
possess  the  means  necessary  for  thein  to  emigrate,  shall  be  pro- 
vided with  the  means  of  emigrating  with  their  families,  or  of 
colonizing,  binder  the  strictest  possible  guaratitee  that  the  money 
shall  be  repaid  with  easy  interest  within  a  certain  number  of 
years." 

If  this  programme  were  strictly  carried  out,  the 
resulting-  emigration  would  not  be  an  injury  to  the 
colony  receiving  it,  especially  as  Lord  Brabazon 
proposes  to  regulate  it  by  an  Imperial  commission, 
on  which  each  colony  shall  be  represented  but  from 
which  it  may  withdraw  at  any  time,  whereupon 
the  flow  of  emigrants  to  that  particular  colony 
shall  immediately  cease.  It  is  safe  to  say  that 
public  opinion  in  the  colonies,  which  is  overwhelm- 
ingly under  the  control  of  the  laboring  class,  would 
demand  such  withdrawal  whenever  the  slightest 
inconvenience  was  felt  or  supposed  to  be  felt  from 
the  influx  of  labor.  In  fact  it  is  easy  to  imagine 
that,  were  such  a  commission  once  established,  the 
colonies  might  demand  that  its  functions  should  be 
extended  to  unassisted  emigration,  so  that  they 
might  control  the  whole  matter.  In  such  a  case  the 
position  of  England  with  its  surplus  labor  would  be 
worse   than   ever. 

But  it  is  not  easy  to  see  exactly  how  the  commis- 
sion or  the  society  is  going  to  select  only  the  able- 
bodied  and  industrious  workmen.     In  voluntary  emi- 


Assisted  Emigration  and  Immigration.        183 

gration,  the  fact  that  the  man  has  obtained  money 
enough  to  emigrate  is  some  evidence  that  he  is  able- 
bodied  and  thrifty ;  although  the  value  of  this  evi- 
dence is  being  steadily  diminished  by  the  low  cost  of 
the  passage  and  the  remittances  of  friends,  — as  Lord 
Derby  pointed  out  in  his  speech  in  the  House  of 
Lords,  March  29,  1884: 

"Probably  there  was  not  a  village  in  the  country  from  which 
one  or  two  persons  had  not  emigrated,  and  these  persons  com- 
municated with  their  friends  at  home ;  thus  ignorance  as  to  the 
advantages  of  emigration  diminishes,  while  with  more  rapid  and 
more  complete  communication  the  risks  of  an  emigrant's  life 
would  tend  to  decrease." 

But  when  the  state  advances  the  money,  this  test  of 
the  emigrant's  fitness  to  emigrate  is  taken  away, 
even  if  the  money  is  nominally  a  loan  ;  and  one  does 
not  see  exactly  what  is  to  take  its  place.  The  agent 
of  the  government  or  of  the  colony  will  be  able  to 
distinguish,  perhaps,  the  really  criminal,  the  actually 
infirm  or  crippled,  and  those  who  have  been  paupers  ; 
but  he  will  not  be  able  to  discern  whether  a  man  is 
an  indolent  vagabond,  or  morally  vicious  and  good 
for  nothing.  And  if  the  government  is  to  send  only 
those  who  are  industrious  and  thrifty,  will  it  really 
afford  relief  to  over-population  }  And  will  not  its 
action  be  open  to  the  objection  urged  by  Professor 
Rogers,  that  the  cream  of  the  population  will  be 
expatriated }     The  difficulty  is  evidently  felt  by  the 


184  Emigratio7i  and  Immigration. 

members  of  the  society,  and  they  find  it  hard  to 
satisfy  both  the  home  people  who  want  to  get  rid  of 
the  poor  and  worthless,  and  the  colonists  who  want 
only  the  good  and  industrious.  The  difficulty  comes 
out  very  naively  in  the  speech  of  the  Earl  of  Carnar- 
von, in  advocating  the  scheme  before  the  House  of 
Lords,  in  which  he  said  : 

"It  was  sometimes  said  that  in  sending  out  emigrants  by  the 
aid  of  the  state  you  would  choose  the  best  man.  He  should  be 
sorry  to  see  the  best  men  leave  the  country,  but  there  was  an 
intermediate  class  who  were  easily  convertible  into  excellent 
workmen  and  good  colonists." 

But  will  the  colonies  be  content  with  this  newly 
defined  "middle  working  class,"  when  by  volun- 
tary emigration  they  may  get  the  "  upper  work- 
ing class,"  or  even  members  of  the  "  lower  middle 
class  "  .? 

In  fact  the  interests  of  the  colony  and  of  the 
mother  country  in  this  matter  are  antithetical. 
State  and  charity  assisted  emigration  will  need  to  be 
carefully  watched  from  this  side  of  the  water.  They 
can  accomplish  their  real  object  only  by  sending  out 
persons  whose  worth  to  the  country  receiving  them 
may  well  be  questioned.  The  tendency  will  always 
be  to  consider  the  poverty  of  the  applicant  rather 
than  his  capacity  to  become  a  good  citizen  in  the 
colonies.  And  it  is  not  quite  safe  to  trust  the  choice 
of  our  citizens  to  a  body  of  foreign  officials  whose 


Assisted  Emigration  and  Immigration.        185 

interests  are  not  at  all  identical  with  ours  and  never 
can  be.^ 

There  is  another  form  of  encouraging  emigration 
from  the  other  side  of  the  water,  which,  in  many  of 
its  aspects,  scarcely  deserves  to  be  ranked  under  the 
head  of  "assisted,"  while  in  other  phases  it  reveals 
the  most  demoralizing  influence,  deserving  the  sever- 

1  Various  other  societies  and  individuals  assist  emigrants  to  leave 
the  country.  Thus  the  London  Times  (Jan.  31,  18S9)  says:  "That 
the  Prisoners'  Aid  Society  assists  convicts  to  emigrate  everybody  knows, 
and  probably  the  United  States  receives  its  full  quota  of  the  persons  so 
aided."  No  fewer  than  38  persons  and  societies  are  mentioned  in  the 
U.  S.  Consular  Reports  (p.  602)  as  assisting  pauper  children  to  settle 
in  Canada.  In  1S81,  there  were  brought  to  Canada  727  immigrants, 
chiefly  children,  by  such  societies  and  individuals;  in  1882,  1048;  in 
1883,  1 218;  in  1884,  201 1 ;  in  1885,  1746.  The  experiment  has  not 
always  been  successful.  See  Aschrott,  English  Poor  Law,  p.  225,  and 
Ford  Immigration  Committee,  testimony  of  Mr.  Wrightington,  p.  546. 
The  Central  Emigration  Society  at  its  sixth  annual  meeting  (1889) 
announced  that  the  restrictions  placed  on  the  emigration  of  pauper 
children  by  the  Local  Government  Board  had  been  removed,  and  that 
the  managers  of  reformatory  and  industrial  schools  were  to  be  allowed 
to  apply  treasury  grants  under  certain  conditions  to  the  fitting  out  and 
emigrating  of  such  children.     London  Times,  July  19,  1889. 

In  Sweden,  philanthropic  societies  have  paid  the  passage  of  liberated 
criminals  to  America,  but  such  practices  have  now  generally  ceased. 
U.  S.  Consular  Reports,  p-  331.  Lady  Cathcart  sent  out  one  year  12 
crofter  families,  and  the  following  year  45  families  to  Canada.  In 
1864,  557  Paisley  weavers  were  assisted  to  emigrate  by  various  public 
and  private  societies.  Tuke,  State-Aided  Emigration.  The  Jewish 
Board  of  Guardians  (a  private  charitable  organization  in  London) 
assisted  during  the  five  years,  1882- 1886,  8429  poor  Jews,  mostly  Rus- 
sian, to  go  on  to  America.  Report  from  House  of  Commons  Com- 
mittee on  Immigration. 


1 86  Emigration  mtd  Immigration. 

est  condemnation  and  the  strictest  measures  of  re- 
pression. I  refer  to  the  assistance  sent  back  from 
this  country  by  emigrants  and  persons  already  here. 
This  assistance  takes  on  one  of  two  forms,  either  of 
remittances  of  money  to  friends  and  relatives  at 
home  in  order  to  enable  them  to  come,  or  of  pre- 
paid tickets.  Of  the  amount  of  money  sent  back  to 
Great  Britain  I  have  already  spoken  in  another  place. 
There  is  a  steady  stream  of  money  going  from  this 
country  to  be  used  largely  for  the  purpose  of  bring- 
ing persons  here. 

The  best  way,  however,  to  bring  one's  friend  to 
this  country  is  to  purchase  a  prepaid  ticket  and  send 
it  to  him,  together  with  a  small  sum  of  money  to  pay 
his  incidental  expenses.  In  the  stress  of  competi- 
tion the  steamship  companies  have  been  very  eager 
to  sell  these  tickets  and  for  that  purpose  have  agents 
all  through  this  country.  Thus  the  Inman  Steam- 
ship Company  has  not  less  than  3400  such  agents, 
and  thirty-three  per  cent  of  all  its  steerage  passen- 
gers come  on  prepaid  tickets.  On  the  Hamburg- 
American  line  forty  per  cent  of  the  passages  are 
prepaid.  The  Anchor  line  has  2500  agents  in  this 
country,  and  fifty  per  cent  of  the  passages  are  pre- 
paid. On  the  Guion  line,  twenty-five  per  cent  ;  on 
the  National  line,  twenty-five  per  cent;  on  the  North 
German  Lloyd,  from  thirty  to  forty  per  cent ;  on  the 
Fabre  line,  thirty-three  per  cent ;  on  the  Cunard  line, 


Assisted  Emigration  and  Immigration.        187 

fifteen  per  cent;  and  on  the  Red  Star  line,  ten  per 
cent  of  the  passages  are  prepaid.  These  figures  show 
that  the  management  of  emigration  is  very  largely  in 
the  hands  of  persons  on  this  side  of  the  water.  The 
price  of  the  passage  is  regulated  by  the  competition 
of  the  steamship  companies  here,  and  is  high  or  low 
according  as  they  come  to  an  agreement  as  to  rates 
or  fight  each  other  for  the  purpose  of  getting  the 
traffic.  It  is  not  fixed  according  to  the  competition 
of  the  emigrants  on  the  other  side  nor  according  to 
the  cost  of  the  service.  The  prevailing  rate  is  from 
twenty-three  to  twenty-six  dollars,  of  which  three  dol- 
lars commonly  goes  to  the  agent  as  his  commission.^ 
That  it  is  perfectly  desirable  and  natural  for  an 
immigrant  who  has  prospered  in  this  country  to  send 
for  his  wife  and  family  is  not  to  be  denied.  The 
family  feeling  is  one  that  should  in  every  way  be 
encouraged,  and  we  can  only  rejoice  in  the  prosperity 
of  these  new  citizens  who  labor  and  save  in  order  to 
accomplish  this  end.  That  when  they  prosper  they 
should  desire  to  send  for  the  aged  parents  or  the 
weak  and  helpless  members  of  the  family,  who  were 
not  able  to  brave  the  uncertainties  and  dangers  of 
the  first  voyage,  is  also  altogether  commendable. 
The  same  loving  care  that  sent  for  them  will  sup- 
port them  when  they  get  here.     There  are  instances 

1  Testimony    of    steamship    agents   before    the    Ford    Immigration 
Committee,  pp.  1-56. 


1 88  Efnigyation  a7id  Immigration. 

where  persons  have  paid  the  passages  of  helpless 
relatives  to  this  country  simply  to  throw  them  on  our 
poor-rates  because  they  fare  better  here  than  at 
home,  but  such  cases  are  doubtless  rare.  That  a 
man  should  send  for  his  able-bodied  brothers  and 
sisters  or  his  old  acquaintances  is  no  danger  to  the 
community.  He  commonly  has  a  place  for  them 
either  in  his  own  occupation  or  in  some  other.  This 
thing  regulates  itself.  In  bad  times  he  will  not 
encourage  his  friends  to  come.  All  such  assistance 
to  immigration  is  natural  and  can  scarcely  be 
stopped  without  violating  the  highest  instincts  of 
the  human  heart.  Mistakes  are  sometimes  made 
and  more  persons  brought  than  are  needed,  but 
with  our  expanding  prosperity  a  place  is  finally 
found  for  them  all. 

These  facilities  for  purchasing  prepaid  tickets  have 
developed,  however,  a  business  which  results  in 
assistance  being  given  to  immigration  from  purely 
commercial  motives.  The  rivalry  of  steamship  com- 
panies led  to  the  employment  of  numerous  agents,  or 
rather  to  the  payment  of  commissions  to  any  person 
who  would  sell  tickets.  Books  of  tickets  were  placed 
in  the  hands  of  so-called  bankers  (exchangers), 
boarding-house  keepers  and  even  liquor  sellers,  in 
short,  of  those  persons  who  came  into  contact  with 
immigrants  or  to  whom  they  would  naturally  look 
for  aid  and  advice.      For  every  ticket  sold  the  agent 


Assisted  Emigration  and  Immigration.       189 

received  a  commission.  It  was  perfectly  natural  that 
these  agents  should  use  their  influence  to  persuade 
immigrants  to  send  for  their  relatives  and  friends, 
promising  to  secure  work  for  them  when  they 
arrived.  In  many  cases  they  sacrificed  a  part  of  the 
commission  in  order  to  sell  the  ticket.  In  other 
cases  they  even  advanced  the  money  under  the 
promise  of  repayment  out  of  the  first  earnings  of  the 
new  arrivals.  A  further  step  naturally  suggested 
itself,  —  namely,  to  have  a  correspondent,  or  agent,  or 
partner  on  the  other  side  of  the  water  to  sell  the 
tickets  to  intending  emigrants.  The  Italian  agents 
introduced  a  still  further  modification  in  prder  to 
make  the  business  more  profitable.  Although  there 
was  much  competition  among  the  regular  steamship 
companies,  still,  either  in  self-defence  or  sometimes 
by  agreement,  they  did  maintain  the  rate  of  fare  at 
a  certain  point.  The  brokers  would,  however,  occa- 
sionally find  a  "tramp"  steamer  that  would  take  emi- 
grants at  less  than  the  regular  rate  in  order  to  make 
a  cargo.  They  chose  therefore  to  issue  their  own 
tickets  which  entitled  the  purchaser  to  a  passage  to 
America,  but  at  a  time  designated  by  the  agent.  If 
they  could  find  a  "tramp"  steamer,  the  emigrant 
would  be  brought  down  to  the  port  of  departure  and 
put  on  board.  If  no  "tramp"  steamer  appeared, 
these  tickets  could  be  exchanged  for  tickets  by  some 
one  of  the  regular  lines. 


190  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

By  these  means  a  regular  brokerage  business  was 
established,  the  evil  effects  of  which  can  easily  be 
imagined  and  which  have  been  exemplified  in  the 
case  of  immigration  from  Italy.  On  the  other  side 
of  the  water  we  have  a  body  of  men  whose  object 
is  to  persuade  men  to  emigrate  by  holding  out  the 
expectation  that  profitable  employment  will  be  found 
for  them  by  the  "  man  "  in  America  who  is  the  agent's 
principal.  The  peasant  is  persuaded  to  sell  or  mort- 
gage his  little  farm  or  vineyard,  in  many  cases  to 
leave  his  family,  under  the  firm  belief  that  work 
is  so  plentiful  and  so  well-paid  in  America  that  he 
will  have  no  difficulty  in  sending  for  them  or  in  sup- 
porting them  until  he  can  return  with  a  competence. 
In  some  cases,  where  the  emigrant  has  no  property, 
his  passage  is  paid  by  the  agent,  and  he  promises  to 
repay  a  larger  sum  out  of  his  earnings,  the  excess 
over  the  cost  of  the  passage- serving  as  compensation 
for  commission,  interest  and  risk.  On  this  side  of 
the  water  we  have  a  body  of  men  who  receive  the 
immigrants  on  their  arrival  and  upon  whom  they  are 
absolutely  dependent  owing  to  their  contract  (which 
they  observe  religiously),  and  on  account  of  their 
Ignorance  of  the  language  and  the  country.  These 
men  exploit  the  immigrants  in  a  variety  of  ways. 
They  board  and  lodge  them  in  the  most  wretched 
manner,  making  enormous  rents ;  they  loan  them 
money  at  usurious  rates ;  they  sell  them  bills  of  ex- 


Assisted  Emigration  and  Immigration.        191 

change  and  prepaid  passages  for  their  families ;  they 
find  them  employment,  receiving  a  bonus  which  is 
euphemistically  termed  a  "present";  they  furnish 
bodies  of  laborers  to  railroad  companies,  receiving  at 
the  same  time  the  contract  for  boarding  and  lodging 
them,  the  company  deducting  the  board-money  from 
the  wages  of  the  laborers.  So  numerous  are  these 
sources  of  profit  that  it  seems  as  if  the  agents  were 
not  particularly  concerned  as  to  the  quick  repayment 
of  the  original  passage  money ;  for  it  appears  that 
although  there  were  three  or  four  thousand  Italians 
in  New  York  unable  to  obtain  work  still  others  were 
constantly  brought  over. 

The  investigation  of  the  Ford  committee  showed 
that  the  business  as  above  described  of  assisting 
immigrants  to  come  to  this  country  was  literally  the 
case  with  Italian  immigration.  The  steamship  agents, 
although  with  apparent  reluctance,  testified  that  they 
had  been  accustomed  to  sell  tickets  in  books  or 
bunches.  Lately  they  had  made  a  practice  of  sell- 
ing only  a  limited  number  to  any  one  person  and 
only  with  the  names  filled  out.  Their  object  in 
doing  this  was  apparently  to  prevent  business  accu- 
mulating in  the  hands  of  single  persons  who  would 
employ  "tramp"  steamers.  But  the  testimony  of 
immigrants  showed  that  it  was  the  custom  of  agents 
in  Italy  to  collect  a  number  of  persons,  conduct  them 
to  Naples  and  there  put  them  on  board  of  a  steamer. 


ig2  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

the  intending  emigrant  having  no  previous  knowledge 
of  the  ship  or  the  time  of  sailing.  The  emigrants  also 
testified  that  they  were  promised  work  at  high  wages 
on  their  arrival,  and  that  these  promises  had  not  been 
fulfilled.  Thus  Angelo  Antonio  di  Dierro  testified 
(p.  lOo)  that  he  had  been  persuaded  to  emigrate  by 
a  man  of  the  name  of  Di  Chiccio  who  had  represented 
that  work  was  plentiful  in  America  at  $1.50  a  day, 
and  that  his  passage  had  been  paid  on  his  entering 
into  an  engagement  to  repay  200  francs.  The  cost 
of  a  ticket  at  that  time  was  115  francs.  Another 
Italian  (p.  120)  had  sold  his  mule  in  order  to  purchase 
a  ticket  to  America,  but  had  found  no  work  since  he 
arrived.  A  third  (p.  131)  owned  a  little  vineyard 
worth  400  or  500  francs  and  had  entered  into  a  writ- 
ten obligation  to  return  250  francs  for  his  ticket  before 
the  first  of  August.  He  had  been  unable  to  find  work 
since  he  landed  and  was  under  the  apprehension  that 
his  vineyard  would  be  seized  in  payment  of  the  debt 
and  his  family  turned  out.  A  fourth  owned  a  house 
worth  300  francs  and  had  entered  into  a  similar  obliga- 
tion to  return  250  francs,  but  had  been  unable  to  find 
work  since  landing.  Many  others  related  similar  ex- 
periences. Most  of  the  Italian  witnesses  expressed  a 
desire  to  return  to  Italy,  saying  they  had  been  deceived 
in  regard  to  finding  work  here  and  that  they  were 
much  better  off  at  home.  Other  witnesses  brought 
out  the  fact  that  these  men  could  get  work  only  by 


Assisted  Emigration  and  Immigration.        193 

paying  the  contractors,  and  that  they  were  plundered 
by  the  contractors  who  received  the  privilege  of  board- 
ing them,  so  that  it  was  a  long  time  before  they  could 
get  out  of  debt. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  this  whole  business  of 
inducing  men  to  emigrate  is  an  abuse,  hurtful  to 
the  emigrants  themselves  and  to  this  country  which 
has  a  lot  of  ignorant,  unskilled  laborers  landed  on  its 
shores  unable  to  take  care  of  themselves  and  entirely 
at  the  mercy  of  these  brokers  and  contractors.  It  is 
for  the  interest  of  both  Italy  and  America  to  stop  this 
fraudulent  and  deceitful  business. 

One  other  kind  of  assisted  emigration  remains  to 
be  noticed  only  because  it  is  of  historic  interest. 
Until  within  a  few  years  countries  in  the  new  world 
have  desired  immigration  and  have  even  assisted  it. 
The  British  colonies  have  been  particularly  active  in 
this  respect.  In  1870  the  various  North  American 
governments,  including  the  Dominion  itself,  spent 
$97,281  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  immigration. 
In  1874  the  provincial  governments  agreed  to  unite 
their  efforts  in  order  to  make  them  more  effective, 
and  entered  into  an  agreement  by  which  the  minister 
of  agriculture  of  the  Dominion  was  vested  for  a 
series  of  years  with  the  duty  of  promoting  immi- 
gration. A  high  commissioner  was  appointed,  with 
offices  in  London  and  agents  located  at  the  principal 
seaports,  viz.,  Glasgow,  Dublin,  Belfast  and  Bristol. 


194  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

Agents  have  also  been  stationed  at  different  times 
at  Paris,  at  Hamburg  and  in  Switzerland.  Travel- 
ling or  lecturing  agents  have  been  employed,  and  at 
one  time  it  is  said  there  were  not  less  than  thirty- 
five  of  these  missionaries  in  the  field.  In  addition 
to  these  measures,  passages  were  paid  in  whole  or 
in  part  for  certain  kinds  of  immigrants  ;  they  were 
met  on  arrival  by  agents,  their  railroad  fares  paid 
to  points  in  the  interior,  and  free  grants  of  land  made 
to  them.i  Since  1878  efforts  to  induce  immigration 
have  slackened,  and  in  April,  1888,  the  system  of 
assisted  passages  ceased  altogether.^ 

The  Australian  colonies  have  also  paid  the  pas- 
sages in  whole  or  in  part  of  desirable  immigrants. 
In  the  colony  of  New  South  Wales  the  number  of 
assisted  immigrants  in  1883  was  8369.  That  was 
the  maximum  number  for  any  year.  In  1885  the 
number  was  only  5554.^ 

Similar  efforts  to  induce  immigration  have  been 
made  by  Mexico,  Brazil,  Chili,  Argentine,  and  various 
states  in  the  United  States.*  These  efforts  have 
consisted  for  the  most  part  in  spreading  information 
about  the  resources  of  the  country  and  in  making 
grants  of  land  to  intending  settlers.     But  with  the 

1  Reports  of  U.  S.  Consuls  on  Immigration,  pp.  456,  568  and  575. 

2  Board  of  Trade  Journal,  June,  1 889. 
8  Reports  of  U.  S.  Consuls,  p.  710. 

*  Numerous  state  bureaux  to  encourage  immigration  were  established 
in  1864,  towards  the  close  of  the  war. 


Assisted  Ejtiigration  and  Immigration.       195 

new  disposition  to  restrict  immigration  most  of  these 
efforts  have  been  abandoned.  There  is,  however,  at 
the  present  time  a  movement  in  the  southern  states 
to  attract  immigrants,  especially  to  the  state  of  Texas.^ 

1  Southern  Immigration  Association.  —  A  representative  gath- 
ering of  southern  men  was  held  at  Hot  Springs,  N.  C,  recently,  at 
which  delegates  from  eleven  states  appeared.  The  governors  of 
the  states  of  Virginia,  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  were  among  those 
present.  The  purpose  of  the  convention  was  to  discuss  the  best 
practicable  means  to  be  employed  in  inducing  a  desirable  class  of 
immigrants  to  settle  in  the  south.  The  result  of  the  proceedings  was 
the  proposal  to  organize  the  Southern  Immigration  Association,  with 
headquarters  in  New  York  city.  Subscriptions  of  money  in  sums  of 
liooo  each  are  to  be  invited.  When  the  amount  subscribed  equals 
;^20,ooo  a  permanent  organization  will  be  formed  by  the  subscribers. 
Southern  railroads,  manufacturing  corporations,  boards  of  trade  and 
other  trade  and  industrial  bodies  south  of  the  Ohio  and  east  of  the 
Mississippi  are  expected  to  become  contributors.  Some  idea  as  to  the 
class  of  immigrants  desired  may  be  obtained  from  the  following  extract 
from  an  article  in  the  Baltimore  iManufacturers'  Record :  "  One  thing 
must  be  plainly  understood  at  the  outset.  The  south  needs  many 
more  men  of  capital  than  it  now  has,  whether  that  capital  is  in  money, 
in  intelligence  or  in  skill  in  the  mechanic  arts.  But  it  does  not  need 
mere  muscle.  There  is  enough  unskilled  labor  for  present  require- 
ments, and  in  all  probability  there  will  be  for  generations.  The  south 
has  happily  escaped  the  evils  attendant  upon  the  employment  of 
foreign  laborers  at  the  north.  It  will  lend  no  aid  to  any  who  may 
wish  to  bring  that  element  into  its  borders.  None  but  those  who  have 
the  ability  to  maintain  themselves  and  to  participate  in  the  grand 
procession  of  progress  and  industrial  development  will  be  welcome. 
The  south  makes  no  war  upon  foreigners  as  such,  but  it  will  object, 
and  that  most  strenuously,  to  any  attempt  to  foist  upon  it  those  who 
would,  from  their  first  coming  into  it,  be  an  irreparable  injury  to  the 
communities  among  whom  they  might  settle."  After  describing  the 
fine   character  of  recent  immigration  from  the  northwest  of  English- 


196  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

In  response  to  the  demands  of  the  Association  for 
State-directed  Emigration,  the  British  government 
has  established  an  Emigrants'  Information  Office. 
The  object  of  this  office  is  not  to  render  assistance 
in  the  way  of  paying  passages,  but  simply  to  give 
information  to  any  person  who  is  thinking  of  emi- 
grating to  the  colonies.  It  publishes  and  distributes 
circulars  of  information,  answers  letters  of  inquiry, 
reports  on  the  condition  of  the  labor  market  in  the 
different  colonies,  the  special  demand  existing  for 
particular  kinds  of  labor,  etc.  Its  activity  is  useful, 
but  there  seems  to  be  no  very  great  increase  in  the 
demand  for  that  sort  of  information.  The  office  it- 
self is  very  moderate  in  urging  men  to  emigrate,  and 
depicts  the  difficulties  rather  than  the  advantages  of 
life  in  the  colonies. 

We  have  thus  enumerated  the  various  forms  of 
assisted  emigration  m  order  to  gain  a  notion  of  the 
numerous  and  powerful  artificial  forces    stimulating 

speaking  immigrants,  the  Record  says :  "  We  want  more  such  settlers. 
The  south  is  the  place  for  them,  but  not  for  the  hordes  who  are  coming 
by  thousands  weekly  from  European  ports.  We  repeat,  if  those  having 
the  affairs  of  the  Southern  Immigration  Society  in  charge  will 
announce  that  their  efforts  will  be  directed  solely  to  promoting  the 
immigration  of  English-speaking  people,  they  will  receive  all  the  moral 
and  material  support  they  desire.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  they  estab- 
lish agencies  on  the  European  continent,  and  attempt  to  pour  into  the 
south  the  same  classes  of  immigrants  that  have  been  landing  in  New 
York  and  Canada  for  the  last  fifteen  years,  they  will  be  opposed  by 
nine-tenths   of  the  southern   people."      Bradstreet's,  May    12,    1888. 


Assisted  Eviigratio7i  and  hnmigration.        197 

the  movement  of  persons  from  the  old  world  to  the 
new.  This  enumeration  dispels  at  once  the  illusion 
that  the  movement  at  the  present  time  is  a  natural 
one  in  the  sense  that  the  individual  initiates  it  of  his 
own  notion  and  carries  it  out  by  his  own  unaided 
powers.  Emigration  is  sometimes  spoken  of  as  if  it 
were  simply  the  operation  of  the  individual,  coolly 
and  rationally  measuring  the  advantages  to  be 
gained,  and  thus  advancing  his  own  economic  condi- 
tion and  that  of  the  country  to  which  he  comes. 
Nothing  could  be  further  from  the  truth.  Emigration 
proceeds  now  under  numerous  influences,  the  efforts 
of  steamship  companies,  the  urging  of  friends  and 
relatives,  the  assistance  of  poor-law  authorities  and 
charitable  societies,  and  the  subtle  but  powerful 
influence  of  popular  delusion  in  regard  to  the  el 
dorado  character  of  the  new  world,  which  has  been 
created  by  these  different  interested  parties. 

The  atmosphere  of  the  old  world  is  permeated  with 
the  spirit  of  emigration.  In  all  cases  of  hardship, 
of  lack  of  employment,  of  misery  and  want,  of  mis- 
fortune and  crime,  the  sufferer  is  urged  to  emigrate. 
If  an  industry  is  languishing,  the  workmen  are  told 
to  emigrate.  If  the  poor-houses  are  crowded,  the 
authorities  try  to  empty  them  on  the  colonics.  If 
the  country  is  deserted  for  the  city,  the  city  is  to  be 
depleted  for  the  colonies  ;  and  the  persons  who  have 
once  deserted  the  soil  are  to  be  placed  on  it  again. 


198  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

If  population  is  constantly  increasing  by  an  excess  of 
births  over  deaths,  the  remedy  lies  in  cutting  down 
at  the  other  end  by  sending  away  the  adults.  There 
is  something  almost  revolting  in  the  anxiety  of  cer- 
tain countries  to  get  rid  of  their  surplus  population 
and  to  escape  the  burden  of  supporting  the  poor,  the 
helpless  and  the  depraved.  And  an  equally  painful 
although  not  equally  blamable  spectacle  is  now  pre- 
sented by  the  new  countries  refusing  to  admit  these 
miserable  beings,  so  that  they  are  thrown  like  shut- 
tlecocks from  one  side  of  the  ocean  to  the  other, 
no  one  willing  to  compassionate  and  afford  them 
shelter. 

It  is  plain  that  state  and  charity  assisted  emigra- 
tion is  destined  to  fail  of  its  purpose.  On  a  small 
scale  it  amounts  to  nothing  one  way  or  the  other;  it 
is  no  relief  to  the  old  country  and  no  great  danger  to 
the  new.  But  the  moment  it  is  prosecuted  on  a 
large  scale  the  inevitable  antithesis  between  the 
interests  of  the  old  and  the  new  country  appears,  as 
was  noted  above.  The  old  country  wishes  to  get  rid 
of  the  worse  part  of  its  population,  —  (it  would  be 
suicidal  to  send  away  the  better),  —  while  the  new 
country  absolutely  refuses  to  receive  that  class.  In 
1849  the  Australian  colonies  protested  so  vigorously 
against  the  further  deportation  to  them  of  convicts 
from  Great  Britain  that  it  was  stopped.  To-day  the 
colonies  and  the  United  States  have  made  the  same 


Assisted  Emigration  and  Immigration.        199 

protest  against  the  deportation  of  paupers  and  help- 
less persons,  and  that  will  inevitably  cease.  It  can- 
not be  otherwise.  The  position  of  the  new  countries 
is  perfectly  impregnable  on  that  point,  and  even  if 
their  position  were  lacking  in  logic,  public  opinion 
has  been  made  up  and  it  is  useless  to  expect  it  to 
change. 

But  state-assisted  emigration  on  such  a  scale  as  to 
relieve  the  pressure  of  over-population  at  home  is 
impracticable,  again,  for  economic  reasons.  There 
seems  to  be  a  popular  impression,  (doubtless  a  survi- 
val from  earlier  days),  that  all  you  have  to  do  is  to 
transport  a  man  to  the  new  world  and  that  then  his 
fortune  is  made.  No  fallacy  could  be  more  danger- 
ous than  this.  It  is  only  a  select  class  of  men  who 
now  succeed  in  the  new  world."^  In  many  respects 
the  competition  is  as  keen  and  the  labor  market  as 

^  "There  is  no  colony  where  a  man  willing  to  work,  able  to  work, 
and  indifferent  to  the  kind  of  work,  will  not  get  a  living;  but  agricul- 
turists should  be  warned  that  farm  work  at  home  is  one  thing,  and  in 
the  colonies  quite  another,  and  that  the  conditions  of  country  life  in 
Canada,  Australasia,  and  South  Africa  are,  as  a  rule,  far  rougher  and 
lonelier  than  in  England. 

"  Men  who  have  not  been  from  their  childhood  engaged  on  the  land 
must  remember  that  in  new  countries  there  is  not  the  same  strong  line 
drawn  between  different  trades  and  different  branches  of  the  same  trade 
as  in  our  own;  and  that,  therefore,  the  more  specialized  a  man  has 
become  in  his  work  and  calling  the  less  fitted  he  is  to  emigrate,  partly 
because  he  is  unlikely,  in  most  cases,  to  find  an  opening  in  his  own 
specialty  in  the  colonies,  partly  because  he  is  not  well  suited  to  turn  his 
hajid  to  general  labor."    Report  of  Emigrant's  Information  Office,  1888. 


200  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

overcrowded  as  in  Europe.  In  many  cases  capital  is 
absolutely  needed  and  mere  manual  labor  is  present 
in  excess.  The  emigrant  comes,  ignorant  of  the 
methods  of  work,  inexperienced  in  the  climatic  and 
other  conditions,  often  helpless  in  resources,  without 
friends,  perhaps  not  even  speaking  the  language.  It 
is  absolute  cruelty  to  place  him  under  these  dis- 
advantages in  a  struggle  for  existence.  The  notion 
that  thousands  of  men  can  be  thrust  into  such  con- 
ditions without  suffering  themselves,  and  deranging 
the  economy  of  the  colony  is  perfectly  absurd. 
Emigration  at  any  rate  needs  no  artificial  stimulus. 
The  movement  is  sufficiently  great  in  itself. 


CHAPTER    X. 

PROTECTING    THE   EMIGRANT  :    THE    PASSENGERS'  ACTS. 

The  various  nations  of  Europe  have  come  finally, 
although  some  of  them  with  reluctance,  to  permit 
freedom  of  migration.  Under  pressure  from  the 
United  States  they  have  abandoned  the  doctrine  that 
a  man  can  under  no  circumstances  divest  himself  of 
his  allegiance,  and  now  by  treaty  they  allow  their 
citizens,  after  residence  of  five  years  and  naturaliza- 
tion abroad,  to  re-appear  as  citizens  of  the  new  coun- 
try. Citizenship  has  thus  become  a  matter  of  choice, 
and  any  one  can  leave  his  own  country  and  select  a 
new  one  where  he  finds  the  conditions  of  living  more 
favorable.  There  appears  to  be  no  reason  why  a 
man  cannot  become  successively  a  citizen  of  different 
countries,  as  his  desires  or  interests  may  dictate. 
And  in  fact  there  is  such  a  lack  of  harmony  in  the 
laws  of  different  countries,  that  in  some  cases  it 
may  be  plausibly  argued  that  a  man  is  the  citizen  of 
two  countries  at  the  same  time ;  and  in  other  cases  it 
seems  as  if  he  were  the  citizen  of  none.^  It  is  not 
intended  to  enter  upon  the  complicated  and  unfruit- 

1  This  subject  is  discussed  more  fully  in  the  final  chapter. 

20I 


202  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

ful  discussion  of  the  conflict  of  laws,  but  it  is  inter- 
esting to  note  the  relation  of  the  emigrant  during  the 
process  of  emigration,  so  to  speak,  to  the  country  he 
is  abandoning  and  the  one  he  is  adopting. 

Freedom  of  emigration  is  not  perfect  even  in  the 
modern  state.  The  intending  emigrant  often  comes 
into  conflict  with  the  universal  military  duty. 
Where  a  young  man  has  reached  the  age  when  he  is 
liable  to  serve  in  the  army,  permission  to  emigrate 
will  be  refused  him,  and  if  he  leave  without  permis- 
sion a  penalty  will  be  entered  against  him  to  which 
he  is  liable  when  he  returns,  or  his  property  is  liable 
in  case  he  leaves  any  behind.  Even  after  he  has 
served  the  term  in  the  active  service  and  entered 
the  reserve,  he  is  expected  to  present  himself  at  the 
regular  intervals  for  training,  and  must  receive  per- 
mission if  he  desire  to  absent  himself.  Where  the 
state  demands  such  a  service  of  all  its  citizens  it  is 
impossible  to  allow  some  to  evade  it  by  simple 
absence,  and  it  is  unpatriotic  in  them  to  attempt  it. 
Even  when  they  absent  themselves  long  enough  to 
acquire  citizenship  in  another  country  and  then 
return,  using  that  citizenship  as  an  excuse  to  escape 
the  burdens  resting  upon  other  members  of  the 
community,  it  is  impossible  for  the  state  to  look 
upon  their  position  with  favor.  If  they  return  with 
the  intention  of  making  their  permanent  residence  at 
home,    they    are    held    to    have    forfeited    their    new 


Protecting  the  Emigrant.  203 

citizenship  and  taken  up  the  old.  A  residence  of  a 
certain  time  (generally  two  years)  will  be  prima  facie 
evidence  that  they  intend  to  stay.  So  also  it  would 
seem  that  in  the  case  of  certain  obligations  imposed 
on  the  citizen  by  the  civil  law,  such  as  the  support 
of  aged  or  infirm  relatives,  or  the  obligation  to  pay 
taxes,  permission  to  emigrate  would  not  be  given  until 
provision  for  the  discharge  of  these  had  been  made. 

But  the  facilities  for  travel  are  so  great  at  the 
present  time  that  it  is  not  difficult  for  the  individual 
to  escape  these  restrictions  and  leave  without  per- 
mission. In  fact  the  greater  number  of  emigrants 
do  not  take  the  trouble  to  procure  a  permit ;  and 
hundreds,  if  not  thousands,  leave  for  the  express 
purpose  of  evading  the  military  duty.  There  seems 
to  be  a  probability,  however,  with  the  increasing 
tendency  toward  socialistic  legislation,  that  this  per- 
fect freedom  of  the  individual  will  be  restricted.  As 
the  state  does  more  and  more  for  its  citizens  they 
will  be  bound  up  in  associations  from  which  it  will 
be  difficult  for  them  to  free  themselves.  We  shall 
speak  of  this  later  when  we  come  to  discuss  the 
abstract  right  to  emigrate. 

Even  after  the  emigrant  has  started  on  his  way, 
with  the  definite  intention  of  abandoning  his  native 
country  and  seeking  a  new  allegiance,  he  still  remains 
an  object  of  solicitude  to  the  mother  country.  He 
is  reo:arded  as  one  of  her  citizens  and  entitled  to  her 


204  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

protection  and  care.  This  care  is  exercised  first  of 
all  by  the  diplomatic  and  consular  service  which  is 
instructed  to  look  out  for  the  interests  of  the  emi- 
grant in  the  foreign  country,  to  help  him  in  difficulties, 
and  (in  some  cases)  to  send  him  home  if  he  desires. 
As  early  as  1848  the  Swiss  government  stationed  a 
commissioner  at  Havre  to  watch  over  the  interests 
of  the  numerous  Swiss  emigrants  who  shipped  at 
that  port.  During  many  years  we  have  the  Swiss 
consuls  sending  information  home  as  to  the  condition 
of  Swiss  immigrants  in  North  and  South  America, 
and  frequently  appealing  to  be  allowed  to  render 
assistance  to  unfortunates  who  wished  to  return  to 
Switzerland.  In  the  attempts  to  establish  Swiss 
and  German  colonies  in  Brazil,  the  agents  of  the 
government  have  been  active  in  seeing  that  the 
contracts  were  fair  to  the  immigrants  and  the  stipu- 
lations carried  out.  In  some  cases  the  home  govern- 
ments have  made  representations  to  the  Brazilian 
government  in  behalf  of  the  immigrants.  The  Italian 
consul  in  New  York  testified  before  the  Ford  com- 
mittee that  he  had  received  a  sum  of  money  from  the 
Italian  government  for  the  purpose  of  relieving  the 
distress  among  the  Italian  immigrants  who  had  been 
unable  to  obtain  work.  Belgium  has  recently  estab- 
lished at  Buenos  Ayres  an  information  bureau  for 
the  use  of  Belgian  emigrants.^ 

^  "  The  Belgian  bureau  at  Buenos  Ayres  is  refjuired  to  give  substantial 
assistance  to  emigrants  from  Belgium.     It  will  give  them  information 


Protecting  the  Emigrant.  205 

The  care  of  the  state  for  the  emigrant  is  exercised 
in  a  more  general  but  at  the  same  time  more  effective 
way  by  the  so-called  passengers'  acts.  When  emi- 
gration first  became  extensive  great  abuses  sprang 
up.  The  emigrants  were  crowded  on  board  sailing 
ships,  without  sufficient  room  and  with  little  regard 
to  health,  comfort  and  decency.  As  a  consequence 
the  maritime  countries  have  found  it  necessary  to 
enact  laws  containing  minute  regulations  for  the 
health  and  comfort  of  passengers,  especially  those  in 
the  steerage.  These  laws  proceed  it  is  true  from 
general  humanitarian  and  police  considerations  rather 
than  from  any  care  of  a  particular  state  for  the  wel- 
fare of  its  subjects,  but  they  have  had  the  effect  of 
protecting  the  emigrant  from  the  rapacity  and  greed 
of  the  individual  ship-owner  intent  only  on  his  profit. 

As  England  was  the  first  country  to  feel  the  great 
tide  of  emigration  to  the  new  world  which  began  in 
the  "forties,"  so  it  was  one  of  the  first  to  regulate 
the  business  of  transporting  emigrants.  The  passen- 
gers' act  of   1852  was  amended  in   1855,  and,  with  a 

as  to  the  practical  means  of  finding  as  quickly  as  possible  occupation 
under  advantageous  conditions;  it  will  show  them  the  centres  where 
Belgian  workers  are  already  established;  and  it  will  constitute  in  fact 
a  kind  of  labor  exchange  where  those  who  come  to  offer  their  services 
will  find  all  the  information  they  desire. 

"  Further,  the  agent  in  charge  of  the  bureau  will  remain  as  much  as 
possible  in  relation  with  the  emigrants  established  in  the  Argentine 
Republic,  and  will  receive  any  complaints  they  may  have  to  make  for 
transmission  to  the  Belgian  Consulate."    Board  of  Trade  Journal,  1889. 


2o6  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

few  changes  introduced  in  1863,  contains  the  most 
minute  regulations  of  the  way  the  emigrant  passenger 
shall  be  treated.  Some  of  the  provisions  are  as  fol- 
lows :  Every  ship  intending  to  carry  emigrant  pas- 
sengers must  be  inspected  as  to  sea-worthiness  and 
compliance  with  the  provisions  of  the  law,  and  receive 
a  certificate  from  the  emigration  officers  before  it 
sails ;  it  shall  carry  passengers  on  only  two  decks  ; 
sailing  vessels  shall  carry  only  one  passenger  to  every 
two  tons  burthen ;  there  shall  be  at  least  five  super- 
ficial feet  of  upper  deck  room  to  each  passenger  for 
the  purpose  of  exercise ;  the  space  between  decks 
must  be  not  less  then  six  feet ;  there  shall  be  not 
more  than  two  tiers  of  berths  between  the  decks, 
with  a  space  of  at  least  two  feet  and  six  inches 
between  a  berth  and  the  bottom  of  the  next  one, 
or  between  a  berth  and  the  deck  above ;  berths 
must  be  at  least  six  feet  long  and  two  feet  and 
six  inches  wide ;  male  passengers  above  the  age  of 
fourteen,  except  when  accompanied  by  their  wives, 
must  have  a  separate  cabin  securely  separated  from 
the  other  passengers ;  hospitals  must  be  provided 
on  the  upper  deck,  at  least  eighteen  superficial  feet 
for  every  fifty  passengers ;  every  ship  must  carry 
a  doctor  and  a  supply  of  medicines  and  medical 
comforts ;  the  quantity  of  water  and  provisions  is 
minutely  regulated  according  to  the  number  of  pas- 
sengers   and    the    probable    length  of   the   voyage ; 


Protecting  the  Emigrant.  207 

there  must  be  proper  ventilation  and  sanitary  ar- 
rangements ;  there  must  be  stewards  and  cooks 
according  to  the  number  of  passengers ;  offensive 
and  dangerous  cargoes  shall  not  be  carried,  such 
as  gunpowder,  guano,  vitriol,  green  hides,  and  cat- 
tle; the  last  are  allowed  under  certain  conditions. 
The  act  also  provides  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
passenger  if  sailing  be  delayed  after  the  appointed 
time,  or  if  he  be  delayed  on  the  route  or  landed 
somewhere  else  than  the  port  he  engaged  passage 
for;  and  provision  is  made  for  forwarding  him  if 
he  be  landed  elsewhere  than  the  port  for  which  he 
engaged  passage.  Similar  acts  are  now  in  force  in 
all  maritime  countries,  so  that  the  emigrant  is  abun- 
dantly protected  against  overcrowding,  sickness,  hun- 
ger, and  the  brutality  of  officers  or  crews  or  fellow 
passengers. 

Of  late  years  this  protection  of  the  emigrant  has 
extended  itself  to  the  prevention  of  fraudulent  mis- 
representations for  the  purpose  of  inducing  citizens 
to  emigrate.  It  was  found  that  emigration  agents, 
whose  only  object  was  to  sell  tickets  and  get  their 
commissions,  deceived  the  ignorant  peasants  and 
artisans  by  glowing  accounts  of  the  conditions  of  liv- 
ing in  the  new  countries,  if  not  by  actual  misrepre- 
sentation of  the  assistance  to  be  received  by  the 
immigrant  from  the  communities  across  the  sea. 
Many  persons  were  thus  induced  to  emigrate  who 


2o8  EmigratioJi  and  Imjuigration. 

were  utterly  unfit  for  colonial  life,  and  who  were  im- 
mediately plunged  into  misery  and  want,  and  obliged 
to  apply  to  the  consuls  for  relief  or  become  a  burden 
on  the  charity  of  their  countrymen  abroad.  The 
efforts  of  these  agents  introduced  a  restless  spirit  of 
discontent.  In  some  cases  they  succeeded  in  creating 
a  migratory  movement  which  deranged  the  economic 
relations  of  whole  districts,  and  even  threatened  to 
depopulate  them.  The  home  government  could  not 
look  upon  this  process  with  indifference.  It  was 
assailed  by  the  complaints  of  its  consuls,  of  its  citi- 
zens resident  abroad  who  were  obliged  to  relieve  the 
distresses  of  their  countrymen,  and  by  the  fears  of 
employers  of  labor  at  home.  As  a  consequence,  the 
governments  of  Europe  have  recently  been  passing 
laws  for  the  regulation  of  the  business  of  emigration. 
The  intent  of  these  laws  is  that  the  business  of 
soliciting  emigrants  and  selling  tickets  shall  be  con- 
fined to  responsible  persons  who  shall  enter  into  a 
prescribed  contract  with  the  emigrant,  for  the  viola- 
tion of  which  they  can  be  held  liable. 

The  English  passengers'  act  of  1855  contained  a 
provision  that  emigrant  brokers  should  be  licensed 
by  the  emigration  commissioners  and  enter  into  a 
bond  to  the  amount  of  one  thousand  pounds  sterling  ; 
also  that  emigrant  runners  should  be  licensed  by  a 
justice  of  the  peace  and  wear  a  badge.     By  the  same 


Protecting  the  Emigratit.  209 

act  a  form  of  contract  was  prescribed  which  was  to 
be  a  part  of  the  passage  ticl<:et  of  every  emigrant. 
So  also  the  various  states  of  Germany  have  for  a 
number  of  years  had  laws  regulating  the  business  of 
selling  emigrant  tickets.  Generally  these  laws  pre- 
scribe that  the  agent  must  be  a  German  by  birth  ;  he 
must  receive  a  license  and  deposit  a  sum  of  money  as 
security  ;  he  must  keep  a  register  of  the  persons  to 
whom  he  sells  tickets ;  he  must  use  a  prescribed  form 
of  contract ;  he  is  not  allowed  to  sell  tickets  for  for- 
warding the  emigrant  beyond  the  landing  place  in 
the  new  country. ^  There  is  no  uniform  law  for  the 
German  empire,  although  article  four  of  the  consti- 
tution gives  to  the  imperial  authorities  the  power  of 
regulating  emigration.  There  is  a  growing  demand 
in  Germany,  however,  that  the  empire  shall  take  the 
matter  in  hand  and  pass  a  law  regulating  the  whole 
business.  The  laws  hitherto  have  probably  been  in- 
tended to  prevent  evasion  of  military  service  rather 
than  to  protect  the  emigrant  or  discourage  emigra- 
tion. Both  of  these  latter  motives  would  probably 
find  expression  in  a  new  law. 

Switzerland  has  been  the  first  country  to  pass  a 
comprehensive  law  to  prevent  the  abuses  of  indis- 
criminate emigration,  and  to  protect  the  citizen 
against  the   misrepresentations  and    solicitations   of 

1  Altenberg,  Deutsche  Auswanderungsgesetzgebung,  1885. 


2IO  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

the  emigration  agent.  Her  example  has  been  fol- 
lowed by  Italy,  and  will  probably  be  followed  by  the 
other  countries  of  Europe.^  This  legislation  marks  a 
new  attitude  on  the  part  of  the  countries  of  Europe 
towards  unrestricted  emigration.  It  treats  the  act  of 
changing  one's  domicile  or  the  persuading  another  so 
to  do  as  a  very  serious  matter  which  is  not  to  be  un- 
dertaken except  under  guarantees  to  prevent  mistakes 
and  frauds.  Still  further,  the  measures  intended  to 
prevent  the  emigrant  being  deceived  can  easily  be 
extended,  (especially  if  there  should  happen  to  be  a 
disposition  on  the  part  of  the  administration  to  ex- 
tend them,)  so  as  to  be  a  restriction  on  emigration  of 
a  very  effective  kind.  Taken  in  connection  with  the 
disposition  of  the  United  States  and  the  British  col- 
onies to  discourage  immigration,  these  measures  may 
lead  to  a  modification  of  the  right  of  free  migration 
which  the  individual  now  enjoys.  It  will  be  sufficient 
for  our  purpose  to  notice  the  general  scope  of  the 
Swiss  law. 

The  Swiss  law  of  1880  has  been  superseded  by 
the  law  of  May  24,  1888.  The  main  provisions  of 
this  law  arc  as  follows  :  — 

I.  The  business  of  forwarding  emigrants  is  sub- 
jected to  very  close   supervision.      No  person   can 

1  Resume  of  the  new  Italian  law  in  an  article  by  Eugene  Schuyler 
on  Italian  Immigration,  in  The  Political  Science  Quarterly,  September, 
i88q. 


Protecting  the  Emigrant.  2 1 1 

engfasre  in  it  without  a  license  from  the  federal  coun- 
cil.  Licenses  shall  be  issued  only  to  such  persons  as 
furnish  proof  that  they  enjoy  a  good  reputation  and 
are  in  possession  of  civil  rights  and  honors,  are 
familiar  with  the  business  of  emigration,  and  have  a 
fixed  domicile  in  the  confederation.  A  yearly  fee  of 
fifty  francs  is  to  be  paid  for  a  license,  and  the  license 
may  be  withdrawn  if  the  holder  no  longer  fulfils  the 
provisions  noted  above,  or  transgresses  the  law,  or 
participates  in  any  colonization  scheme  against  which 
the  federal  council  has  issued  a  warning.  Each 
agency  must  deposit  security  to  the  amount  of  40,000 
francs,  and  further  security  to  the  amount  of  3,000 
francs  for  each  sub-agent  appointed.  The  security 
can  be  returned  to  the  depositor  only  after  the  lapse 
of  one  year  from  the  expiration  of  the  license,  and  if 
claims  then  exist  against  the  agency  the  security 
shall  stand  until  these  are  settled.  No  agent  or 
sub-agent  shall  be  in  the  service  of,  or  in  any 
way  dependent  upon,  any  railroad  or  transatlantic 
steamship  company.  The  names  of  all  licensed 
agents  and  sub-agents  shall  be  entered  in  a  book 
and  published  in  the  official  gazette.  To  all  other 
persons  announcements  pertaining  to  emigration  are 
prohibited. 

II.  Agents  are  forbidden  to  forward-:  (i)  Persons 
incapable  of  labor  owing  to  advanced  age,  disease,  or 
infirmity,   so  far  as  no   evidence  is  forthcoming  of 


212  Emigration  and  Innnigration. 

adequate  maintenance  at  the  place  of  destination. 
(2)  Minors,  or  persons  under  guardianship,  unless 
provided  with  the  written,  authenticated  consent  of 
the  parent  or  guardian.  (3)  Persons  who  after  de- 
fraying the  expenses  of  the  journey  would  arrive 
without  means  at  place  of  destination.  (4)  Persons 
forbidden  to  land  by  the  laws  of  the  country  to  which 
they  wish  to  emigrate.  (5)  Persons  who  are  in  pos- 
session of  no  papers  showing  their  place  of  origin 
and  citizenship.  (6)  Swiss  citizens  liable  to  mili- 
tary duty  who  are  not  able  to  produce  evidence  that 
they  have  returned  the  equipments  which  they  have 
received  from  the  state.  (7)  Parents  desiring  to 
leave  children,  not  yet  raised,  behind  them,  and  to 
whose  emigration  the  poor  authorities  have  not 
agreed. 

III.  There  are  minute  provisions  as  to  the  form  of 
contract,  the  supplies  to  be  furnished  the  emigrant 
on  his  journey  both  by  land  and  by  sea,  care  for  him 
while  at  the  port  of  shipment,  free  medical  attend- 
ance, decent  interment  in  case  of  death  on  the  route, 
insurance  of  baggage,  etc. 

IV.  Persons  or  companies  desiring  to  carry  out 
colonization  schemes  must  submit  them  to  the  federal 
council,  which  has  the  right  to  determine  whether 
or  not,  and  under  what  conditions,  parties  may  be 
allowed  to  present  them.  Agencies,  as  well  as  coloni- 
zation companies,  are  forbidden  to  conclude  contracts 


Protecting  the  Emigrant.  213 

by  which  they  obligate  themselves  to  deliver  a  certain 
number  of  persons  either  to  a  shipping  company,  or 
to  a  colonization  or  other  project,  or  to  state  govern- 
ments. The  federal  council  is  authorized  to  prohibit 
advertisements  in  public  journals,  or  other  publica- 
tions of  any  kind  calculated  to  mislead  persons  desir- 
ing to  emigrate.  The  council  shall  establish  a  bureau 
which  shall  place  itself  in  communication  with  points 
of  importance  in  other  countries,  and  shall,  when 
called  upon,  furnish  necessary  information,  advice, 
and  recommendations  to  persons  desiring  to  emigrate. 
The  council  may,  within  the  limits  of  the  credit 
granted  to  it  for  this  purpose,  take  the  necessary 
measures  in  order  that  emigrants  may  be  furnished 
with  advice  and  assistance  at  the  principal  ports  of 
embarkation  and  debarkation.  Swiss  consuls  are 
directed  to  inquire  without  charge  into  any  complaint 
made  by  Swiss  emigrants  for  violations  of  the  con- 
ditions guaranteed  them,  if  the  complaints  are  lodged 
within  ninety-six  hours  after  the  complainant's  arrival; 
and  on  demand  of  the  complainant,  to  draw  up  a 
report  of  the  case  and  transmit  a  copy  thereof  to  the 
federal  council. ^ 

It  is  not  difficult  to  find  justification  for  such  a  law 
as  this.  It  is  intended  to  protect  the  emigrant  who 
is  still  a  citizen  of  the  state,  to  prevent  the  violation 

1  Translation  of  the  law  on  page  113  of  reports  from  consuls  ap- 
pended to  the  Ford  Immigration  Committee  report. 


214  Emigration  aiid  Immigration. 

of  international  obligations  respecting  the  sending 
out  of  undesirable  persons,  and  to  stop  a  migratory 
movement  which  has  no  good  cause,  but  is  artifi- 
cially produced  and  maintained.  It  is  a  preventive 
rather  than  a  restrictive  measure,  and  need  not  stand 
in  the  way  of  any  really  desirable  movement  of  effi- 
cient and  energetic  men  to  better  their  condition  by 
seeking  a  new  field  for  their  industrial  powers.  It 
will,  however,  prevent  a  great  deal  of  suffering  and 
disappointment  on  the  part  of  the  emigrant  and  dis- 
satisfaction on  the  part  of  the  country  receiving  him. 
It  seems  to  put  this  important  social  movement  on 
a  common  sense  basis,  where  we  can  watch  it  and 
to  a  certain  extent  at  least  guide  it,  in  the  interest  pf 
the  persons  and  communities  concerned.  If  through 
these  measures  the  migratory  movement  becomes  less 
general  but  more  intelligent,  it  will  be  a  gain  to  all 
parties,  and  not  the  least  so  to  those  countries  to 
which  the  movement  is  directed. 

The  emigrant  is  an  object  of  care  not  only  to  the 
country  which  he  is  forsaking,  but  even  more  so  to 
the  country  he  is  seeking.  Thus  the  United  States 
early  took  an  interest  in  the  treatment  of  emigrants 
on  board  ship  and  at  the  port  of  landing.  The 
United  States  has  passengers'  acts  similar  in  scope 
to  the  British  and  intended  to  remedy  the  abuses 
which  had  grown  up  about  the  business  of  transport- 
ing immigrants.     In  addition  it  has  made  provision 


Protecting  the  Emigrant.  215 

for  the  reception  of  the  immigrant  after  he  has  landed 
at  Castle  Garden  or  other  place  of  entry.  Mr. 
Friedrich  Kapp  ^  has  given  a  vivid  account  of  the 
sufferings  of  the  emigrant  during  his  voyage  and 
upon  landing  in  New  York,  previous  to  the  passage 
of  the  passengers'  acts  and  the  establishment  of 
the  board  of  commissioners  of  emigration.  The 
vessels  were  small  sailing  vessels ;  the  emigrants 
were  crowded  into  the  space  between  decks  which 
was  seldom  more  than  five  feet  in  height  and  some- 
times less,  lighted  and  ventilated  only  by  the  hatches 
which  were  battened  down  during  bad  weather ;  some- 
times the  orlop  deck  below  that  was  also  used  for 
passengers.  The  emigrants  were  obliged  to  provide 
their  own  food  and  cook  it  at  the  galleys  which  were 
insufficient  in  number  for  the  passengers,  so  that 
there  was  a  constant  struggle  to  get  to  them,  and 
the  food  was  badly  cooked.  The  filth,  bad  air  and 
insufficient  nourishment  gave  rise  to  disease  and  sick- 
ness, against  which  there  was  no  adequate  provision 
for  medical  treatment.  The  emigrants  were  at  the 
mercy  of  the  brutality  and  greed  of  the  officers  and 
crew  of  the  ship,  and  often  suffered  corporal  punish- 
ment or  were  put  on  short  allowance  of  food.  The 
voyage  lasted  many  weeks,  sometimes  months  ;  the 
mortality  was   enormous,   often  ten    and    sometimes 

^  Kapp,    Immigration  and  the  Commissioners  of  Emigration  of  the 
State  of  New  Yorlv.     New  York,  1S70.    Chapter  2. 


2i6  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

twenty  per  cent ;  and  those  who  arrived  were  either 
sick,  or  enfeebled  and  unable  to  take  care  of  them- 
selves and  quickly  became  applicants  for  admission 
to  the  hospitals  and  almshouses  of  the  state. 

Many  of  these  evils  have  been  remedied  by  the 
substitution  of  steamships  for  sailing  vessels,  by 
which  the  voyage  is  shorter  and  the  space  and  ac- 
commodations more  generous.  Legislation  has  also 
been  invoked  to  protect  the  immigrant. 

The  first  passengers'  act  of  the  United  States  was 
passed  in  1819.  It  provided  that  no  ship  should 
carry  more  than  two  passengers  to  every  five  tons  of 
the  ship's  burden.  The  act  was  not  very  effective 
because  it  did  not  regulate  the  relation  between  the 
ship's  burden  and  the  amount  of  space  devoted  to 
the  carrying  of  passengers.  In  early  times  ships 
were  not  fitted  up  especially  for  the  carriage  of  pas- 
sengers, but  such  space  as  was  left  after  the  freight 
was  secured  was  filled  with  passengers.  Thus  a  ship 
of  a  thousand  tons'  burden  would  be  entitled  to  carry 
four  hundred  passengers,  although  only  half  of  the 
space  between  decks  was  given  up  to  their  use.  The 
act  of  1855  was  much  more  effective,  securing  suffi- 
cient space  for  each  passenger,  providing  for  ventila- 
tion, for  a  plentiful  supply  of  food  and  for  its  cooking 
and  distribution.  The  act  of  1882  provides  100 
cubic  feet  of  space  for  each  passenger  (120  feet  if 


Protecting  the  E?nigrant.  217 

on  the  lower  deck),  and  contains  minute  regulations 
similar  to  the  English  act. 

But  it  was  through  the  legislation  of  the  state  of 
New  York  that  the  first  efficient  provision  was  made 
for  the  care  of  the  immigrant.  As  immigration  in- 
creased it  was  found  to  be  imposing  a  heavy  burden 
on  the  poor  relief  of  New  York  city,  many  of  the 
immigrants  entering  the  almshouse  or  hospital  a  few 
days  after  their  arrival.  Accordingly  in  1824  the 
legislature  of  New  York  passed  an  act  requiring  the 
master  of  every  ship  bringing  alien  passengers  to 
the  port  of  New  York  to  enter  into  a  bond,  in  such 
sum  as  the  mayor  or  recorder  of  the  city  might  deem 
sufficient,  not  to  exceed  three  hundred  dollars  for 
each  passenger,  to  indemnify  the  city  in  case  any  said 
immigrants  or  children  born  of  them  after  importa- 
tion should  become  a  charge  on  the  city  within  two 
years  after  the  date  of  the  bond.^  An  ordinance  of 
the  city  of  New  York  allowed  the  master  of  the  ship 
to  escape  the  execution  of  the  bond  by  the  payment 
of  a  sum  varying  from  one  to  ten  dollars  for  each 
alien  passenger. 

These  acts,  according  to  Kapp,  led  to  evasions  and 
great  abuses.  The  bonds  were  often  insufficient  ; 
when  an  immigrant  became  a  charge  on  the  city  it 
was  difficult  to  identify  him  and  compel  the  persons 

^  Kapp,  Immigration,  etc.,  p.  45. 


2i8  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

responsible  to  pay  for  him  ;  speculators  entered  into 
contracts  to  secure  the  captains  against  further  re- 
sponsibility on  the  basis  of  so  much  a  passenger,  or 
even  so  much  a  ship,  and  these  speculators  availed 
themselves  of  every  device  for  evading  payment  of 
the  bond.  Finally  they  went  so  far  as  to  establish 
private  almshouses,  where  the  pauper  immigrants 
were  cared  for  at  a  cheaper  rate  than  in  the  city 
almshouses.  The  most  flagrant  abuses  sprang  up 
in  these  institutions.  The  inmates  were  treated  in 
the  harshest  and  most  inhumane  manner,  and  after 
the  two  years  required  by  law  had  expired  they  were 
thrown  on  the  county  for  support.  In  1842  a  com- 
mittee of  the  board  of  aldermen  reported  the  ineffi- 
ciency of  the  bonding  system,  and  recommended  that 
a  uniform  tax  of  one  dollar  be  levied  on  the  immi- 
grants for  the  benefit  of  the  city.  They  declared  that 
only  one-ninth  of  the  immigrants  were  commuted  for 
by  the  captains,  and  that  it  was  difficult  to  hold  the 
bondsmen  to  their  obligation,  so  that  while  during 
the  last  three  years  the  number  of  passengers  landed 
at  the  port  had  been  181,615,  the  city  had  received 
only  $41,391.  That  left  $140,223  which  had  gone 
into  the  pockets  of  private  individuals,  for  the  ship- 
owners were  accustomed  to  collect  one  dollar  from 
each  immigrant  by  adding  it  to  the  fare.^  The  finan- 
cial interests  of  the  city  demanded  a  change ;  while 

^  Kapp,  Immigration,  etc.,  p.  50. 


Protecting  the  Ejnigrant.  219 

the  lowest  sense  of  justice  could  be  satisfied  with 
nothing  less  than  that  the  money  collected  from  the 
immigrants  should  be  administered  for  their  benefit. 

The  treatment  of  the  ordinary  immigrants  was  a 
disgrace  to  the  administrative  authorities  of  New 
York  city  and  to  American  civilization.  As  soon  as 
an  emigrant  ship  reached  the  port  it  was  boarded  by 
a  class  of  men  called  "  runners,"  in  the  employment 
of  boarding-house  keepers  or  of  forwarding  compa- 
nies. Disputes  between  rival  runners  often  led  to 
violence,  and  the  unfortunate  immigrant  was  decoyed, 
often  half-forced,  into  the  boarding-house.  There  he 
was  charged  three  or  four  times  the  prices  he  had 
been  promised  ;  if  he  did  not  pay,  his  baggage  was 
held  in  custody.  He  was  persuaded  to  buy  transpor- 
tation over  particular  routes  by  misrepresentations; 
he  was  charged  extravagant  prices  for  his  ticket ;  his 
baggage  was  falsely  weighed ;  and  in  every  way  he 
was  victimized.  Helpless,  in  a  strange  country,  igno- 
rant often  of  the  language,  not  knowing  whom  to 
trust,  he  was  obliged  to  submit  to  extortion  and  went 
on  his  way,  making  place  for  new  victims.  The 
author  of  the  wrong  went  unpunished  because  there 
was  no  one  to  make  complaint.  These  evils  con- 
tinued until  1855,  when  Castle  Garden  was  made 
the  landing-place  for  all  immigrants,  and  they  could 
there  be  protected  against  sharpers.^ 

^  Kapp,  Immigration,  etc.,  chapter  4. 


220  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

The  financial  interests  of  the  city  and  the  noto- 
rious wrongs  perpetrated  on  the  immigrants  led 
finally  to  an  agitation  in  1846-47  for  a  reform  of  the 
law.  The  city  council  favored  the  abolition  of  the 
bonding  system,  and  the  payment  of  a  head-tax  to 
the  mayor  or  comptroller  of  the  city  for  the  purpose 
of  defraying  the  expenses  of  poor  relief.  This  would 
have  secured  the  financial  interests  of  the  city.  But 
a  number  of  public-spirited  gentlemen  believed  that 
the  measure  did  not  go  far  enough  to  remedy  the 
abuses  connected  with  the  treatment  of  immigrants. 
They  therefore  agitated  for  a  different  measure,  which 
was  finally  passed  by  the  legislature  and  became  a 
law,  May  5,  1847.  This  law  established  the  first 
Board  of  Emigration  Commissioners  of  the  State  of 
New  York.  Six  commissioners  were  named  in  the 
bill,  who  were  to  hold  office  for  two,  four,  and  six 
years,  their  successors  to  be  appointed  by  the  gov- 
ernor and  to  hold  ofiice  for  six  years.  To  these  were 
added  as  ex  officio  members  of  the  board,  the  mayor 
of  the  city  of  New  York,  the  mayor  of  the  city  of 
Brooklyn,  the  president,  for  the  time  being,  of  the 
Irish  Immigration  Society,  and  the  president,  for  the 
time  being,  of  the  German  Immigration  Society. ^ 

This  board  of  commissioners  was  to  have  full  power 
of  taking  charge  of  all  immigrants  who  should  within 
five  years  of  their  landing  come  on  the  poor  relief  of 

1  Kapp,  Immigration,  etc.,  chapter  5. 


Protecting  the  Emigrant.  221 

any  city  or  county  in  the  state  ;  it  was  to  have  power 
to  remove  them  from  one  part  of  the  state  to  another, 
or  from  the  state,  and  to  lease  or  purchase  property 
and  erect  buildings  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out 
the  provisions  of  the  act.  Money  was  to  be  provided 
by  a  head-tax  of  one  dollar  on  each  immigrant,  which 
was  afterwards  increased  to  two,  and  later  to  two  and 
a  half  dollars.  The  commissioners  were  afterwards 
authorized  to  lease  a  pier  where  all  immigrants  should 
be  landed  and  to  which  other  persons  should  be  ad- 
mitted only  by  a  permit.  This  was  in  order  to 
protect  the  immigrant  from  extortion.  It  was  not, 
however,  till  1855  that  the  commissioners  succeeded 
in  securing  what  is  known  as  Castle  Garden.  There 
the  immigrants  are  landed  and  inspected ;  those  who 
desire  to  proceed  to  the  interior  purchase  tickets 
from  the  regular  railroad  agents,  and  have  their  bag- 
gage weighed  and  sent  free  of  charge  to  the  depot ; 
those  who  stay  in  the  city  can  have  their  baggage 
delivered  at  fixed  rates  ;  only  boarding-house  keepers 
holding  licenses  from  the  mayor  and  whose  houses 
are  subject  to  inspection  and  regulation  are  admitted 
to  the  garden  to  solicit  custom  ;  the  immigrant  has 
his  money  exchanged  by  authorized  brokers  at  posted 
rates ;  he  is  supplied  with  food  according  to  fixed 
prices  ;  and  every  effort  is  made  to  protect  him  against 
fraud  and  imposition. ^ 

^  Rei^orts  of  Commissioners  of  Emigration  of  the  State  of  New  York. 


222  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

The  enormous  increase  of  immigration  after  1847 
made  it  extremely  difficult  to  provide  the  necessary 
poorhouses  and  hospitals  for  the  helpless  and  infirm 
among  the  immigrants.  The  commissioners  at  first 
leased  and  afterwards  acquired  by  purchase  land  on 
Ward's  Island,  and  there  established  their  own  hospi- 
tal. These  purchases  were  continued  from  time  to  time 
until  in  1868  they  had  acquired  over  120  acres  at  a  cost 
of  ^140,000,  The  property  is  said  to  be  worth  now 
from  two  to  three  million  dollars.  The  term  during 
which  the  commissioners  were  obliged  to  receive  the 
immigrant  was  reduced  in  1882  from  five  years  to 
one  year  after  the  landing.  At  the  expiration  of 
that  time  they  are  turned  over  to  the  authorities  of 
the  county  of  New  York.  In  1888  there  were  4,136 
persons  admitted  to  the  hospital  and  202  persons  to 
the  insane  asylum  on  Ward's  Island. 

The  work  of  the  Emigration  Commissioners  of  the 
State  of  New  York  has  been  performed  with  great 
fidelity.  The  board  was  originally  instituted  in  order 
to  protect  the  immigrant  and  secure  the  community 
against  too  heavy  a  burden  for  poor  relief.  There 
was  no  intention  of  restricting  immigration.  It  was 
considered  desirable,  and  the  labors  of  the  board  were 
calculated  to  facilitate  rather  than  to  hinder  it.  Of 
late  years  that  feeling  has  changed,  and  the  demand 
has  arisen  that  immigration  if  not  to  be  actually 
restricted  is  to  be  closely  watched   and  undesirable 


Protecting  the  Emigrant.  223 

immigrants  kept  out.  With  this  feeling  the  board  of 
emigration  commissioners  of  New  York  has  been 
called  upon  to  do  the  work  of  inspection  and  the 
enforcement  of  the  regulating  acts  of  Congress. 
Moreover,  as  four-fifths  of  the  immigration  come 
through  the  port  of  New  York,  the  whole  country 
looks  to  it  for  the  efficient  discharge  of  this  new  and 
onerous  duty.  It  has  not  been  able  to  meet  these 
demands  altogether  satisfactorily,  partly  from  the 
nature  of  the  case  and  partly  from  recent  legislation. 
Composed  of  private  citizens  serving  without  pay 
and  busied  with  their  own  affairs  the  commission  was 
well  fitted  to  administer  a  great  charity,  while  it  is 
not  fitted  to  discharge  invidious  administrative  duties 
where  it  would  encounter  the  opposition  of  powerful 
moneyed  corporations.  In  addition  it  has  been  crip- 
pled by  legislation  and  adverse  judicial  decisions. 

In  1876  the  imposition  of  the  head-money  upon 
which  the  board  of  commissioners  was  dependent 
for  its  financial  resources  was  declared  unconstitu- 
tional by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States, 
on  the  ground  that  it  was  a  regulation  of  commerce.^ 
The  steamship  companies  refusing  to  pay  the  head- 
money  any  longer,  the  board  was  made  dependent  on 
annual  grants  from  the  legislature  of  the  state  of  New 

^  Henderson  vs.  Mayor  of  New  York,  etc.,  97  U.  S.  R.  259.  The 
Inman  Steamship  Co.  sued  the  board  for  back  commutation  moneys,  but 
an  act  of  Congress,  1878,  legalized  the  past  actions  of  the  commis- 
sioners.   Report,  1879. 


224  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

York.i  A  state  act  of  1881  imposing  a  tax  of  one 
dollar  on  each  immigrant,  under  the  title  of  an  inspec- 
tion law,  was  in  like  manner  declared  unconstitutional.^ 
It  was  felt  to  be  unjust  that  the  burden  of  immigra- 
tion should  be  borne  by  the  state  of  New  York,  when 
its  benefits  were  enjoyed  by  the  whole  nation.  If  the 
state  of  New  York  did  not  have  the  right  to  impose 
a  tax  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the  immigrants,  it 
was  felt  that  the  United  States  ought  either  to  under- 
take the  duty  or  at  least  furnish  the  money.  The 
commissioners  prepared  a  national  act  and  presented 
it  to  Congress  year  after  year,  but  without  success. 
Finally  when  Congress  passed  the  act  of  1882  for- 
bidding the  immigration  of  paupers,  criminals  and 
persons  unable  to  take  care  of  themselves,  it  provided 
for  the  payment  of  a  head-tax  of  fifty  cents  on  each 
immigrant.  This  money  was  to  be  paid  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury,  who  was  authorized  to  enter  into 
contract  with  any  state  officers  of  emigration  for  the 
purpose  of  enforcing  the  act.  The  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  now  contracts  with  the  board  of  commis- 
sioners of  emigration  of  the  state  of  New  York  for 
the  inspection  of  immigrants  arriving  at  the  port  of 
New  York.  The  act  has  embarrassed  the  commis- 
sioners in  several    ways.      The  secretary  refuses  to 

^  i877,$200,ocxi;   subsequent  years  $150,000  annually;   total  amount 
1876 — 1SS2,  $1,000,000. 

'■^  People  vs.  Compagnie  Gencrale  Transatlantique,  107  U.  S.  R.  59. 


Protecting  the  Emigrant.  225 

pay  out  of  the  tax  the  rental  of  Ward's  Island  or  for 
improvements  and  permanent  repairs  on  the  property 
there.  The  commissioners  have  paid  for  repairs  and 
insurance  by  the  sale  of  privileges  in  Castle  Garden, 
but  the  money  due  from  this  source  is  also  in  dispute, 
the  commissioners  claiming  that  it  belongs  to  the 
state,  the  secretary  that  it  belongs  to  the  national 
immigrant  fund.  In  1888  the  Attorney-General  de- 
cided that  the  money  belonged  to  the  state,  but  the 
rental  hitherto  paid  by  the  United  States  govern- 
ment for  Castle  Garden  was  disallowed.^  Finally,  the 
commissioners  are  empowered  to  inspect  immigrants 
according  to  the  law  of  1882,  but  the  decision  whether 
any  person  shall  be  sent  back  or  not  rests  with  the 
collector  of  the  port.  In  1888,  twenty-eight  per  cent 
of  those  rejected  by  the  commissioners  were  allowed 
by  the  collector  to  land. 

The  commissioners  have  been  embarrassed  also  by 
the  action  of  the  legislature  of  New  York,  which  in 
1883  abolished  the  board  and  provided  for  a  new  board 
of  three  commissioners,  one  to  be  appointed  by  the 
governor  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  senate, 
and  to  have  a  salary  of  $6000,  the  other  two  to  be  the 
president  of  the  Irish  and  the  president  of  the  Ger- 
man Immigration  Society.  The  senate  has,  however, 
refused  to  confirm  the  governor's  appointees,  so  that 
the    present    commissioners    are    holding    over    until 

1  Report  of  Commissioners,  18SS, 


226  Emigratio7i  mid  hnmigration. 

their  successors  are  appointed.  They  have  quarrelled 
among  themselves,  two  have  resigned,  and  it  is  often 
impossible  at  the  present  time  to  get  a  quorum  for 
the  transaction  of  business. 


CHAPTER    XI. 

CHINESE    IMMIGRATION. 

No  treatment  of  immigration  would  be  complete 
without  reference  to  the  prohibition  of  Chinese  immi- 
gration by  the  United  States  and  the  British  colonies 
in  North  America  and  Australia.  It  would  be  a  dif- 
ficult and  ungrateful  task  to  enter  a  defence  of  the 
brutal  treatment  of  Chinese  resident  in  this  country, 
or  even  to  justify  entirely  our  legislation  and  diplo- 
macy in  regard  to  their  exclusion.  Too  much  of  it 
bears  the  stamp  of  demagogic  subserviency  to  the 
passing  demands  of  the  mob.  The  best  way,  per- 
haps, is  to  acknowledge  that  our  conduct  has  not 
been  all  that  it  should  have  been,  and  to  deplore  the 
cases  where  injury  and  injustice  have  been  inflicted. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  gradual  modification  of  certain 
notions  respecting  the  efficacy  of  general  "a  priori" 
principles  for  the  practical  guidance  of  a  nation  may 
lead  us  to  admit  that  there  is  some  deeper  reason  for 
the  exclusion  of  this  foreign  element  than  mere  dis- 
like. It  is  intended  here  only  to  trace  the  course  of 
our  legislation,  and  to  point  out  the  particular  ground 
on  which  the  exclusion  of  the  Chinese  rests. 

It  is  a  matter  of  common  knowledge  that  during 

227 


228  Emigration  and  Ivimigration. 

the  greater  part  of  our  national  life  we  have  been 
very  much  influenced  by  general  doctrines  concern- 
ing the  rights  of  man.  Embodied  in  our  Declaration 
of  Independence,  reinforced  by  French  philosophy, 
and  commended  by  the  success  of  democratic  insti- 
tutions among  ourselves,  the  principles  of  liberty  and 
equality  have  been  insisted  upon  by  us  with  no  little 
emphasis.  The  great  influx  of  immigrants  having 
the  definite  intention  of  remaining  here  forced  us  to 
the  contention  that  among  the  rights  of  man  was 
that  of  free  migration  and  expatriation.  We  could 
take  no  other  position.  It  was  impossible  for  the 
thousands  of  immigrants  to  retain  their  old  alle- 
giance ;  and  it  was  undesirable  that  they  should  have 
any  less  rights,  whether  at  home  or  abroad,  than  our 
own  native  born  citizens.  We  have  already  seen  how 
completely  we  carried  out  this  idea  in  our  naturaliza- 
tion laws  and  our  treaties  with  foreign  powers  con- 
cerning the  right  of  expatriation.  By  a  resolution  of 
Congress  of  July  27,  1868,  the  right  of  expatriation 
was  declared  to  be  "  a  natural  and  inherent  right  of 
all  people,  indispensable  to  the  enjoyment  of  the 
rights  of  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  "  ; 
and,  "any  declaration,  instruction,  opinion,  order  or 
decision  of  any  officer  of  the  United  States  which 
denies,  restricts,  obstructs  or  questions  the  right  of 
expatriation  is  declared  inconsistent  with  the  funda- 
mental principles  of  the  Republic." 


Chinese  Immigration.  229 

That  same  year  a  specific  application  of  this  doc- 
trine was  made  in  a  treaty  concluded  with  China,  as 
follows  : 

"The  United  States  of  America  and  the  Emperor  of  Chhia 
cordially  recognize  the  inherent  and  inalienable  right  of  man  to 
change  his  home  and  allegiance,  and  also  the  mutual  advantage 
of  the  free  migration  and  emigration  of  their  citizens  and  sub- 
jects respectively,  from  tlie  one  country  to  the  other,  for  the  pur- 
poses of  curiosity,  of  trade  or  as  permanent  residents."  ^ 

This  treaty  of  1868  marks  the  dividing  line  be- 
tween two  distinct  and  contradictory  policies  on 
the  part  of  the  United  States  in  its  relations  with 
China  and  the  Chinese.  Up  to  that  time  our  efforts 
had  been  directed  towards  compelling  the  Chinese  to 
admit  Americans  to  China  for  the  pursuit  of  trade 
and  commerce.  In  this  contention  we  placed  our- 
selves on  the  broad  platform  of  the  right  of  free 
migration  and  the  duty  of  international  intercourse. 
Shortly  after  this  declaration  we  found  that  the  influx 
of  Chinese  into  this  country  was  causing  inconven- 
ience, and  we  immediately  turned  our  backs  on  the 
principle  of  freedom  of  migration,  and  passed  laws 
excluding  the  Chinese  as  effectually  as  they  had  ever 
excluded  foreigners. 

Our  political  relations  with  China  date  back  to  the 
year  1844,  when  Caleb  Cushing  negotiated  the  first 
treaty  between  the  United  States  and  that  country, 

1  Burlingame  Treaty,  Article  V.     Concluded  July  28,  1868. 


230  Emigration  and  Imniigratioji. 

That  treaty,  like  all  subsequent  ones,  had  for  its  ob- 
ject, so  far  as  the  United  States  was  concerned,  two 
things.  One  was  the  protection  of  the  lives  and 
property  of  American  citizens  in  China  ;  the  other 
was  the  securing  of  privileges  of  trade  and  commerce. 
For  the  first  object,  the  Chinese  government  granted 
extra-territorial  consular  jurisdiction  to  the  United 
States;  that  is,  "citizens  of  the  United  States  who 
may  commit  any  crime  in  China  shall  be  subject  to 
be  tried  and  punished  only  by  the  consul,  or  other 
public  functionary  of  the  United  States,  thereto  au- 
thorized, according  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States." 
In  regard  to  the  other  point,  the  Chinese  consented 
that  the  Americans  should  be  admitted  to  five  ports 
for  the  purposes  of  trade  ;  but  this  right  was  nar- 
rowly restricted. 

The  United  States  did  not  take  any  part  in  the 
Chinese  war  of  1858,  but  American  diplomatic  rep- 
resentatives followed  in  the  wake  of  English  and 
French  armies  and  participated  in  the  advantages  of 
the  Chinese  discomfiture.  The  result  was  the  nego- 
tiation of  the  Reed  treaty  of  1858  commonly  known 
as  the  treaty  of  Tient-tsin.  By  it  the  number  of 
ports  opened  to  commerce  was  increased  to  seven 
(subsequently  still  further  increased  to  eleven)  ;  the 
extra-territorial  jurisdiction  of  the  consuls  was  con- 
tinued; the  exercise  of  the  Christian  religion  was  per- 
mitted ;  Chinese  pirates  might  be  seized  by  American 


Chinese  Iimnigration.  231 

men-of-war ;  tonnage  and  customs  duties  were  regu- 
lated ;  the  United  States  minister  was  to  be  allowed 
to  visit  Pekin  once  a  year  and  to  reside  there  as  soon 
as  that  privilege  was  granted  to  the  minister  of  any- 
foreign  power ;  and  finally,  Americans  were  always 
to  enjoy  the  same  rights  as  the  citizens  of  the  most 
favored  nation. 

Nothing  was  said  in  these  treaties  about  the  rights 
of  Chinese  trading  or  residing  in  the  United  States. 
It  is  said  that  no  provision  was  necessary,  for  the 
Chinese  came  here  under  exactly  the  same  conditions 
as  the  citizens  of  any  other  nation  and  enjoyed  exactly 
the  same  privileges.  Under  our  laws  at  that  time  they 
were  allowed  to  come  and  go  freely,  to  engage  in  any 
occupation  they  pleased ;  and  if  they  committed  crimes 
they  were  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  our  courts. 

The  treaty  of  1868,  which  was  negotiated  by  Anson 
Burlingame  at  the  head  of  a  Chinese  embassy  visiting 
this  country,  went  still  further  in  the  direction  of  open- 
ing up  China  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States. 
The  general  declaration  (quoted  above)  of  the  inhe- 
rent right  of  migration  was  made,  coupled  with  the 
declaration  that  any  involuntary  emigration  was  to  be 
reprobated  ;  and  engaging  in  such  involuntary  emi- 
gration was  to  be  made  a  penal  offence  for  the  sub- 
jects of  either  power.  This  clause  was  directed 
against  the  coolie  traffic.  The  provisions  of  the 
treaty  of    1858    protecting   Christian  citizens  of    the 


232  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

United  States  and  Chinese  converts  from  persecution 
in  China,  were  renewed  and  made  reciprocal  in  be- 
half of  Chinese  living  in  the  United  States  who  were 
to  have  freedom  of  religious  worship  and  sepulture 
for  their  dead.  Citizens  of  either  country  were  to 
have  and  enjoy  all  the  privileges  of  educational  in- 
stitutions under  the  control  of  the  other  country. 
Finally  it  was  stipulated  that  : 

"  Citizens  of  tlie  United  States  visiting  or  residing  in  China 
shall  enjoy  the  same  privileges,  immunities  and  exemptions  in 
respect  to  travel  or  residence  as  may  there  be  enjoyed  by  the 
citizens  or  subjects  of  the  most  favored  nation.  And,  recipro- 
cally, Chinese  subjects  visiting  or  residing  in  the  United  States, 
shall  enjoy  the  same  privileges,  immunities  and  exemptions  in 
respect  to  travel  or  residence  as  may  there  be  enjoyed  by  the  citi- 
zens or  subjects  of  the  most  favored  nation.  But  nothing  herein 
contained  shall  be  held  to  confer  naturalization  upon  citizens  of 
the  United  States  in  China,  nor  upon  the  subjects  of  China  in 
the  United  States."     Article  VII. 

Such  was  the  famous  Burlingame  treaty  of  1868. 
The  Chinese  embassy  was  received  with  most  marked 
attentions  in  its  journey  through  the  United  States, 
at  San  Francisco,  at  New  York  and  at  Washington. 
The  treaty  was  hailed  with  delight  as  the  final  open- 
ing up  of  China  to  the  commerce  and  civihzation  of 
the  West.  Merchants  expected  a  great  extension  of 
commerce  between  China  and  the  Pacific  coast  ;  and 
the  Christian  churches  in  America  considered  that  a 


Chinese  Immigration.  233 

great  obstacle  to  missionary  effort  in  China  had  been 
removed. 

As  a  matter  of  fact  it  docs  not  appear  that  the 
Burlingame  treaty  changed  the  actual  condition  of 
things  very  much.  The  privileges  granted  to  Ameri- 
can citizens  in  China  in  regard  to  trade  and  religion 
were  precisely  those  granted  in  the  treaty  of  1858. 
China  promised  then  to  treat  American  citizens  in  the 
same  way  that  she  treated  the  subjects  of  the  most 
favored  nation.  She  promised  to  do  no  more  now. 
The  reciprocal  privileges  granted  to  the  Chinese  of 
free  exercise  of  their  religion  here  and  to  Americans  of 
free  entrance  to  the  educational  institutions  of  China 
were  of  no  practical  value,  because  one  was  already 
enjoyed  and  the  other  would  hardly  be  desired.  The 
position  of  the  Chinese  here  was  precisely  that  which 
they  had  always  shared  with  other  foreigners.  The 
only  privilege  which  they  had  not  enjoyed  or  of  which 
their  enjoyment  was  doubtful  (namely,  of  naturaliza- 
tion) was  expressly  withheld  by  the  treaty. 

There  was  one  thing,  however,  which  made  the 
treaty  in  later  years  and  with  the  change  in  senti- 
ment towards  the  Chinese  full  of  embarrassment  for 
the  United  States.  That  was  the  express  declaration 
that  the  right  of  migration  is  inalienable  and  the  ex- 
press promise  that  "the  subjects  of  China  shall  enjoy 
the  same  privileges,  immunities  and  exemptions  in 
respect  to  travel  and  residence  as  may  be  enjoyed  by 


234  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

the  citizens  or  subjects  of  the  most  favored  nation." 
Thereby  that  which,  on  our  part,  had  been  merely  a 
tacit  understanding  or  the  actually  existing  condition 
of  things  became  an  express  treaty  stipulation,  requir- 
ing formal  negotiation  to  modify,  or  express  statute  to 
over-ride,  recourse  to  either  of  which  might  put  in  jeop- 
ardy the  privileges  accorded  under  the  same  treaty  to 
American  citizens  in  China.  We  thereby  expressly 
committed  ourselves,  and  under  the  most  solemn  cir- 
cumstances, to  principles  which  a  few  years  later  we 
flatly  repudiated. 

It  has  been  said  in  extenuation  of  our  later  con- 
duct, and  it  was  said  even  at  the  time,  that  the  treaty 
of  1868  and  the  preceding  treaties  did  not  secure  any 
real  reciprocity ;  that  while  the  Chinese  under  the 
most  favored  nation  clause  were  allowed  to  travel  and 
settle  in  all  parts  of  the  United  States  and  enjoy 
the  same  privileges  in  regard  to  trade  and  protection 
to  life  and  property  as  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  Americans  in  China  were  still  restricted  to 
certain  specified  seaports,  that  they  had  no  access  to 
the  interior  and  that  they  did  not  enjoy  the  same 
rights  in  China  that  the  Chinese  enjoyed  in  America. 
The  answer  of  course  is  that  Americans  enjoyed  the 
rights  which  were  stipulated  for  in  the  treaty,  namely, 
the  same  privileges,  immunities  and  exemptions  as 
were  enjoyed  by  the  citizens  or  subjects  of  the  most 
favored  nation.     That  was  all  that   China  airreed  to 


Chinese  Immigration.  235 

give  and  all  probably  in  the  condition  of  things  there 
that  she  could  give.  At  any  rate  it  was  what  we 
stipulated  for  and  what  we  received  in  return  for  giv- 
ing to  Chinamen  the  privileges  of  the  most  favored 
nation  here,  except  that  of  naturalization.  If  we  look 
at  the  question  of  reciprocity  in  that  light,  China 
might  also  say  that  the  treaty  was  not  reciprocal,  for 
instance  in  the  matter  of  consular  jurisdiction.  For 
if  an  American  committed  a  crime  in  China  he  was 
tried  by  his  own  consul ;  while  if  a  Chinaman  com- 
mitted a  crime  in  America  he  was  tried  by  the 
American  courts  and  according  to  American  law. 
It  is  evident  that  in  1868  we  committed  ourselves,  as 
far  as  solemn  treaty  obligations  could  commit  us,  to 
treating  the  Chinese  in  America  precisely  (always 
excepting  naturalization)  as  we  treated  foreigners  of 
other  nationalities. 

From  this  high  plane  of  ideal  politics  we  quickly 
descended.  In  1870  on  the  revision  of  the  natural- 
ization laws,  a  proposition  1  in  the  Senate  to  insert 
the  words  "  or  persons  born  in  the  Chinese  empire  " 
after  the  words  "aliens  of  African  nativity  and  to 
persons  of  African  descent "  was  easily  negatived. 
In  1878,  Judge  Sawyer,  in  the  circuit  court  of  the 
United  States,  decided  that  a  Chinaman  could  not  be 
naturalized  as  a  citizen  of  the  United  States.^     The 

^  By  Senator  Trumbull,  July  4. 

^  5  Sawyer,  155,  quoted  by  Wharton,  Int.  Law  Digest,  §  197. 


236  Emigration  and  Lnniigmtion. 

anti-Chinese  feeling,  which  had  already  existed  for 
some  time  on  the  Pacific  coast,  entered  into  national 
politics  and  the  leaders  of  the  two  parties  pandered 
to  it  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  vote  of  those 
states.  In  1876  both  parties  inserted  an  anti-Chinese 
plank  in  their  platforms,  and  a  special  joint  committee 
of  the  Senate  and  the  House  of  Representatives  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Pacific  coast  to  investigate  the  question 
on  the  spot,  and  formulated  a  report  painting  the 
evils  of  Chinese  immigration  in  the  strongest  and 
blackest  colors  and  demanding  immediate  legislation. 
In  order  to  understand  the  rapid  culmination  of  this 
feeling  against  the  Chinese  which  resulted  in  the 
report  of  1876  and  the  subsequent  legislation,  it  will 
be  necessary  to  turn  for  a  moment  to  the  history  of 
Chinese  immigration  into  California  and  the  treat- 
ment the  Chinese  had  there  received. 

Chinese  immigration  began  soon  after  the  discov- 
ery of  the  gold  fields,  but  for  the  first  few  years 
there  are  no  exact  statistics  of  the  arrivals  and  de- 
partures. From  1848  to  1852  the  number  is  esti- 
mated to  have  been  10,000  for  the  four  years.^  In 
1852  the  number  of  arrivals  was  20,026  and  of  de- 
partures 1768.  In  1853  the  arrivals  were  4270,  but 
the  departures  were  4421,  that  is,  in  excess  of  the 
arrivals.  In  1854  the  arrivals  were  16,084  ^.nd  the 
departures  2330.     During  the  next  fifteen  years  the 

^  Report  of  Committee  on  Chinese  Immigration,  1S76,  p.  1 196. 


Chinese  Ijumigration.  237 

arrivals  were  only  a  few  thousand  per  annum,  never 
more  than  8424,  and  the  annual  departures  were 
three  or  four  thousand  so  that  the  annual  increase 
was  not  very  great ;  in  some  years  in  fact  there  was 
an  excess  of  departures  over  arrivals.  In  1868  the 
arrivals  were  11,085  and  the  net  gain  was  6d>'j6.  In 
1868  the  net  gain  was  10,098,  and  down  to  1876  the 
excess  of  arrivals  over  departures  was  never  more 
than  1 1,000  per  annum  and  often  less  than  that  num- 
ber. From  1848  to  1876,  a  period  of  nearly  thirty 
years,  the  total  arrivals  were  estimated  at  233,136 
and  the  departures  at  93,273,  leaving  a  net  gain  of 
139,863.  Deducting  a  loss  by  mortality  of  two  per 
cent  per  annum  (which  is  the  mortality  of  the  white 
population)  making  25,900,  there  was  estimated  to  be 
in  the  United  States  in  1876  about  114,000  Chinese. 
This  number  was  subsequently  proven  to  have  been 
exaggerated.  The  census  of  1880  showed  only  105,000 
Chinese  here. 

The  Chinese  were  at  first  regarded  without  aver- 
sion by  the  other  immigrants  into  California.  Their 
peculiarities  of  dress,  their  inoffensive  manners  and 
general  defencelessness  soon  brought  upon  them 
abuse  and  persecution  from  the  rough  elements 
gathered  in  the  mining  camps.  The  robbery  or  mur- 
der of  a  Chinaman  was  seldom  avenged.  Immi- 
grants of  other  nationalities,  quick  to  feel  their  sup- 
posed superiority  to  the  "heathen  Chinee,"  expressed 


238  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

it  by  stoning  him  upon  the  streets,  by  mobbing  him 
in  his  house,  and  by  general  abuse  and  violence.  His 
untiring  industry  and  perseverance  made  him  suc- 
cessful in  the  placer  mines,  the  Chinaman  often 
working  over  places  abandoned  by  the  white  miner ; 
and  envy  and  ill-will  soon  attacked  him  as  a  competi- 
tor with  white  labor.  As  he  subsequently  engaged 
in  work  on  the  railroad,  on  the  farm,  as  domestic 
servant,  and  finally  even  in  certain  manufactures,  his 
labor  was  denounced  as  superseding  that  of  the  white 
man,  and  the  question  of  Chinese  immigration  became 
a  labor  question  to  which  the  statesmen  of  California 
almost  immediately  succumbed.  The  Chinaman  had 
no  vote,  and  hence  could  have  no  influence  in  politics. 
Popular  feeling  against  the  Chinaman  soon  ex- 
pressed itself  in  state  legislation  and  city  ordinances, 
directed  specifically  or  indirectly  against  him.  An 
act  of  the  California  legislature  in  1855  imposed  a 
tax  of  $55  on  every  Chinese  immigrant.  A  sub- 
sequent act  (1858)  prohibited  all  persons  of  the 
Chinese  or  Mongolian  races  from  entering  the  state 
or  landing  at  any  port  thereof,  unless  driven  on  shore 
by  stress  of  weather  or  unavoidable  accident,  in 
which  case  they  should  immediately  be  re-shipped. 
An  act  was  passed  in  1862  providing  that  every  Mon- 
golian over  eighteen  years  of  age  should  pay  a 
monthly  capitation  tax  of  $2.50,  except  those  engaged 
in    the   production   and  manufacture  of  sugar,  rice, 


Chinese  Immigration.  239 

coffee  and  tea.  All  of  these  acts  were  declared  un- 
constitutional by  the  Supreme  Court  of  California.^ 
In  1 86 1  there  was  passed  the  act  imposing  a  tax  on 
foreign  miners.     It  read  as  follows  : 

"  No  person  unless  he  is  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  or 
shall  have  declared  his  intention  to  become  such  (California  In- 
dians excepted),  shall  be  allowed  to  take  or  extract  gold,  silver, 
or  other  metals  from  the  mines  of  this  state,  or  hold  a  mining 
claim  therein,  unless  he  shall  have  a  license  therefor  of  $4 
per  month."  - 

This  act  was  levelled  nominally  against  all  foreign- 
ers, but  the  universal  testimony  is  that  it  was  en- 
forced only  against  the  Chinese.  At  any  rate,  they 
were  the  only  ones  who  could  not  escape  it,  for 
they  were  not  allowed  to  become  naturalized.  The 
tax  collectors  were  often  prejudiced  men,  who  used 
the  authority  conferred  upon  them  in  the  most  violent 
manner.  The  committee  of  the  California  legislature 
which  inquired  into  the  Chinese  question  in  1862 
declared  that  eighty-eight  cases  had  been  reported  to 
them  where  Chinamen  had  been  murdered  by  white 
people,  eleven  of  whom  were  known  to  have  been 
murdered  by  collectors  of  the  foreign  miner's  license 
tax  —  sworn  officers  of  the  law.  But  two  of  the  mur- 
derers had  been  convicted  and  hanged.^ 

^  Report  on  Chinese  Immigration,  p.  477. 

2  This  tax  dates  back  to  1853,  and  was  modified  at  different  times, 
varying  from  $/^  to  ^6  and  to  $20. 

^  Seward,  Chinese  Immigration,  p.  37  ff. 


240  Emigration  and  Ininiigration. 

In  like  manner  a  number  of  city  ordinances  were 
passed  for  the  purpose  of  reaching  the  Chinese  indi- 
rectly. Thus,  San  Francisco  had  a  laundry  ordinance 
imposing  a  license  fee  as  follows  :  On  laundries  using 
a  one-horse  vehicle,  $2  per  quarter;  two  horses,  $4 
per  quarter  ;  no  vehicle,  $  1 5  per  quarter.  The  Chi- 
nese laundries  commonly  used  no  vehicle.  Men  who 
sold  vegetables  on  the  street  from  door  to  door  were 
required  to  pay  a  fee  of  $2  if  they  drove  a  wagon,  of 
^10  if  they  went  on  foot.  The  so-called  "queue  or- 
dinance "  provided  that  every  person  convicted  for 
any  criminal  offence  should  have  his  hair  cut  to  a 
length  of  one  inch  from  his  head.  This  was  espe- 
cially felt  by  the  Chinaman,  to  whom  the  loss  of  his 
queue  was  a  lasting  disgrace.  The  "  cubic  air  ordi- 
nance "  required  that  no  person  should  let  or  hire 
any  tenement  house  where  the  capacity  of  the  rooms 
was  less  than  five  hundred  cubic  feet  for  every  person 
sleeping  there.  This  ordinance  was  enforced  only 
against  the  Chinese.  Of  these  petty  persecutions  all 
that  even  Senator  Sargent  could  say  was  :  "  That 
[the  laundry  ordinance]  was  one  of  the  methods  this 
city  and  state  have  tried,  to  rid  themselves  of  this 
great  plague,  before  appealing  to  Congress.  It  may 
appear  ridiculous,  cutting  off  queues,  etc.,  but  they 
resort  to  those  things  before  resorting  to  violence." ^ 

By  an  act  of  legislature  of    1863  it  was  provided 

1  Report  on  Chinese  Immigration,  p.  479. 


Chinese  Immigration.  241 

that  Chinese  and  Mongolians  should  not  be  witnesses 
in  an  action  or  proceeding  wherein  a  white  person 
was  party.     It  was  afterwards  repealed.^ 

The  efforts  of  the  California  legislature  to  stop 
Chinese  immigration  were  rendered  futile  by  the  de- 
cisions of  the  United  States  courts.  These  decisions 
prevented  any  discrimination  against  the  Chinese  by 
name  because  it  would  be  a  violation  of  treaty  obli- 
gations. On  the  other  hand,  the  prohibition  or  even 
regulation  of  immigration  was  held  to  be  a  regulation 
of  commerce,  and  hence  to  belong  exclusively  to 
Congress.  This  was  clearly  shown  by  the  decision 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  on  the 
constitutionality  of  that  part  of  the  political  code  of 
California  which  gave  the  commissioner  of  immigra- 
tion power  to  exclude  from  the  state  lunatics,  idiots, 
deaf  and  dumb  persons,  cripples,  lewd  and  debauched 
women,  etc.  The  aim  of  the  statute  was  to  exclude 
Chinese  prostitutes.  The  court  decided,  however, 
that  the  state  could  not  confer  upon  an  officer  the 
power  of  going  on  board  a  ship  and  designating  such 
persons  as  he  might  deem  to  come  within  the  statute 
and  preventing  their  landing.  Such  power  involved 
international  relations,  and  belonged  to  Congress 
alone.^ 

Met  at  every  turn  by  the  adverse  decisions  of  the 

1  Report  on  Chinese  Immigration,  p.  47S. 

2  Chy  Lung  vs.  J.  H.  Freeman  et  al.,  92  U.  S.  Reports. 


242  Einigratio7i  and  Lfwiigration. 

courts,  the  Californians  finally  decided  to  appeal  to 
Congress  for  national  action  to  put  a  stop  to  Chinese 
immigration.  The  legislature  authorized  the  munici- 
pality of  San  Francisco  to  appropriate  the  sum  of 
five  thousand  dollars  to  pay  the  expenses  of  a  delega- 
tion to  Washington  to  "soKcit  such  action  on  the 
part  of  the  Federal  government  as  should  modify 
the  Burlingame  treaty,  so  as  to  prevent  the  immigra- 
tion of  certain  classes  of  Chinese  under  its  provisions, 
whose  arrival  in  our  midst  is  detrimental  to  the  moral 
and  material  interests  of  our  own  people." 

The  testimony  collected  by  the  Congressional  com- 
mittee which  was  sent  in  response  to  this  demand 
covers  every  phase  of  the  Chinese  question,  and  is  of 
value  to-day  as  showing  at  least  the  way  in  which  the 
Chinese  were  regarded  by  the  various  classes  of 
people  in  California.  Much  of  the  evidence  is  col- 
ored by  prejudice,  some  of  it  is  economically  and 
politically  absurd,  and  there  is  no  general  agreement 
among  the  witnesses ;  but  still  we  can  reach  some 
conclusions. 

The  opponents  of  the  Chinese  asserted  that  there 
was  danger  of  the  white  population  of  California 
becoming  outnumbered  by  the  Chinese ;  that  they 
came  here  under  contract,  in  other  words  as  coolies 
or  a  servile  class  ;  that  they  were  subject  to  the  juris- 
diction of  organized  companies  which  directed  their 
movements,  settled  disputes  among  them,  and  even 


Chinese  Immigration.  243 

had  power  of  life  and  death,  whieh  they  exercised  by- 
assassination  ;  that  Chinese  cheap  labor  deprived 
white  labor  of  employment,  lowered  wages,  and  kept 
white  immigrants  from  coming  to  the  state ;  that  the 
Chinese  were  loathsome  in  their  habits,  and  the  filth 
of  their  dwellings  endangered  the  health  of  the  city  ; 
that  they  were  vile  in  their  morals,  and  spread  pros- 
titution, gambling  and  opium  habits  ;  that  they  did 
not  assimilate  with  the  whites,  and  never  could  be- 
come an  integral  and  homogeneous  part  of  the  popu- 
lation. 

The  evidence  shows,  in  my  opinion,  that  many  of 
these  assertions  are  entirely  too  sweeping.  The 
number  of  Chinese  in  the  state  (which  was  asserted 
by  their  accusers  to  be  from  150,000  to  175,000)  was 
grossly  exaggerated,  as  was  shown  by  the  census  of 
1880.  They  failed  entirely  to  prove  the  existence  of 
any  such  thing  as  the  coolie  traffic.  There  are  or- 
ganizations known  as  the  "  six  companies,"  and  their 
exact  function  was  not  discovered,  but  they  seem  to 
be  associations  of  men  from  the  same  province  for 
mutual  assistance  and  protection.  It  was  not  proven, 
however,  that  the  companies  exercise  any  absolute 
authority  over  the  Chinese,  or  inflict  punishments 
upon  them  for  disobedience  to  their  orders.  The 
personal  habits  of  the  Chinese,  as  far  as  their  dwell- 
ings are  concerned,  seem  to  be  filthy  in  the  extreme, 
but  it  did  not  appear  that  the  municipal  government 


244  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

had  taken  any  steps  to  improve  the  condition  of  the 
Chinese  quarter.  They  did  not  seem  to  have  more 
disease  or  greater  mortahty  than  is  visual  among 
people  of  the  working  classes.  Their  habits  of  per- 
sonal cleanliness  compare  favorably  with  those  of 
laborers  of  other  nationalities.  As  far  as  criminality 
is  concerned,  they  are  peaceable,  law  abiding,  never 
drunk,  and  are  represented  in  the  statistics  of  the 
prisons  by  less  than  their  proportionate  number. 
They  are  inveterate  gamblers.  They  are  also  opium 
smokers ;  which  latter  vice,  however,  seems  to  be 
less  of  a  public  nuisance  than  drunkenness,  for  it 
simply  stupefies  the  victim  instead  of  exciting  him. 
Chinese  prostitution  is  a  real  evil,  and  women  are 
brought  from  China  for  that  especial  purpose,  and 
bound  under  contract.  It  is  an  evil  incident  to  the 
peculiar  character  of  the  immigration  which  consists 
of  adult  males  unaccompanied  by  their  families.  It 
is  a  question  how  far  it  can  be  controlled  either  by 
consular  inspection  before  the  women  are  allowed  to 
leave  China  or  by  municipal  measures  here.  The 
real  evil  consists  in  the  presence  of  that  great  num- 
ber of  men  without  their  families. 

Passing  by  these  considerations,  which  do  not  seem 
to  involve  any  grave  national  dangers,  we  come  to 
the  more  serious  questions  of  the  economic  effect 
of  Chinese  immigration  and  of  their  assimilation 
with    our    institutions    and    civilization.       The    real 


Chinese  Immigration.  245 

excuse  for  their  exclusion,  if  there  be  any,  is  to  be 
sought  under  one  of  these  two  categories. 

On  the  question  of  the  economic  effect  of  the 
presence  of  the  Chinese  the  testimony  is  one  mass 
of  hopeless  confusion.  Most  of  the  witnesses  had 
no  economic  notions  at  all,  or,  if  they  had  any,  they 
were  of  the  most  rudimentary  and  popular  kind. 
To  many  of  them  the  very  presence  of  a  Chinaman 
in  any  productive  employment  seemed  conclusive 
evidence  that  he  displaced  a  white  man  ;  that  he 
would  work  for  low  wages  made  him  a  direct  com- 
petitor with  the  Caucasian  ;  and  that  he  sent  his 
savings  back  to  China  constituted  a  dead  loss  to  the 
state.  They  forgot  that  in  a  new  state  there  might 
be  room  for  both  Mongolian  and  White  ;  that  the 
presence  of  one  body  of  laborers  often  creates  a 
demand  for  other  kinds  of  labor ;  and  that  the  wealth 
produced  by  the  Chinaman  remained  in  the  state, 
whatever  he  might  do  with  his  surplus  wages. 
There  doubtless  comes  a  time  when  an  excessive 
supply  of  labor  introduces  competition  among  the 
laborers  and  lowers  wages.  But  there  was  little 
effort  on  the  part  of  witnesses,  and  none  at  all  in 
the  report  of  the  committee,  to  determine  whether 
that  time  had  arrived  in  the  case  of  California. 

The  general  drift  of  the  testimony  (and  even  the 
opponents  of  the  Chinese  did  not  deny  it)  was  that 
the  Chinaman  up  to  that  time  had  been  extremely 


246  Evtigration  and  Immigration. 

useful  in  developing  the  resources  of  the  state.  He 
had  made  an  excellent  laborer  in  the  mines,  where 
he  had  shown  himself  equal  to  the  most  exhausting 
kinds  of  work.  The  builders  of  the  Pacific  railroads 
had  employed  him  when  they  could  not  find  an  ade- 
quate supply  of  white  labor.  He  had  reclaimed 
thousands  of  acres  of  "tule"  {i.e.  marsh)  lands, 
where  the  white  laborer  could  not  work  on  account 
of  malaria.  The  wheat  harvests  of  the  state  could 
not  have  been  gathered  had  it  not  been  for  the 
Chinese  coming  to  the  assistance  of  the  farmers. 
All  through  the  state  he  was  employed  as  a  domestic 
servant,  and  in  many  places,  especially  in  the  rural 
districts,  no  other  house  servants  could  be  obtained. 
In  some  few  manufacturing  industries  he  had  been 
introduced,  but  it  was  probable  that  these  industries 
could  never  have  been  established  in  California  had 
it  not  been  for  the  cheap  labor  of  the  Chinese.  In 
regard  to  competition  with  white  labor,  it  would 
appear  that  where  every  kind  of  labor  was  so  scarce 
there  need  have  been  no  competition,  for  there  was 
employment  for  all ;  still  further,  that,  while  the  Chi- 
nese took  the  drudgery,  the  whites  assumed  the  places 
of  skilled  laborers  and  bosses  ;  for  instance,  that  the 
heads  of  the  section  gangs  on  the  railroads  and  in 
the  mines  were  invariably  whites  ;  that  the  teamsters 
on  the  farms  were  always  whites,  the  Chinese  not 
being   skilful    in    handling  horses  ;    and   that    there 


Chinese  Immigratioti.  247 

were  no  Chinese  blacksmiths,  carpenters,  masons, 
bricklayers,  etc.  It  appeared,  therefore,  that  Chinese 
labor  had  been  of  great  benefit  to  California,  and  not 
only  to  the  employers  of  labor,  but  to  all  classes  of 
the  community,  for  it  had  furnished  that  substratum 
of  rough  labor  upon  which  all  successful  industry 
must  be  built.  It  is  unnecessary  to  discuss  here  the 
question  how  long  such  labor  will  be  necessary  and 
useful  for  the  state  of  California.  From  the  purely 
economic  standpoint  it  is  probable  that  for  a  long 
time  to  come  it  will  be  advantageous  for  the  devel- 
opment of  the  state. 

The  one  serious  charge  that  was  substantiated 
against  the  desirability  of  Chinese  immigration  was 
that  they  do  not  assimilate  with  us.  They  come 
here  with  the  single  object  of  making  money  and 
then  returning  to  China.  They  have  no  intention 
of  becoming  permanent  residents,  and  no  desire  to 
adopt  our  customs  and  habits  of  life.  The  most 
earnest  defenders  of  the  Chinese  could  not  prove 
that  during  thirty  years  of  contact  our  civilization 
had  made  any  impress  upon  them.  Our  effort  to 
christianize  them  has,  with  a  few  exceptions,  been 
an  entire  failure.  They  have  shown  no  desire  to 
become  acquainted  with  our  political  institutions,  or 
to  take  part  in  political  life.  It  may  be  contended 
that  we  have  refused  to  admit  them  to  political  life, 
and  that  the  treatment   they  have  received  at   our 


248  Emigration  and  Iimnigration. 

hands  has  not  been  such  as  to  excite  admiration  of 
our  civilization.  But  the  very  tenacity  with  which, 
notwithstanding  all  this  persecution,  they  have  clung 
to  peculiarities  of  costume  and  living,  causing  them 
to  be  singled  out  for  abuse,  shows  that  they  are 
singularly  conservative  in  their  ideas.  The  whole 
history  of  the  intercourse  between  China  and  the 
Western  powers  has  exemplified  the  fact  that,  with 
their  four  thousand  years  of  civilization  behind  them, 
they  are  imbued  with  a  thorough  contempt  for  the 
mushroom  growths  of  European  life.  They  feel  no 
sense  of  inferiority,  and  hence  no  desire  for  change. 
In  short,  without  committing  ourselves  to  the  eth- 
nological vagaries  of  the  Californian  philosophers 
who  assured  the  committee  that  the  Chinese  did  not 
belong  to  the  same  species  of  the  genns  homo  as  the 
whites,  and  that  a  cross  between  the  two  would  be 
infertile,^  we  may  say  that  we  have  to  do  with  a 
race  which  in  tenacious  adherence  to  its  own  culture 
seems  equal  to  our  own.  The  question  of  receiving 
them,  therefore,  assumes  an  entirely  different  aspect 
from  that  of  receiving  immigrants  from  Europe. 
The  latter  blend  with  the  native  stock,  and  all 
become  one  people.  The  Chinese  remain  isolated, 
and  constitute  an  alien  element  in  the  midst  of  us. 
There  are  but  two  solutions  to  such  a  problem  as  their 
coming  presents.     If  they  are  less  in  numbers  than 

^  Judge  Hastings,  Testimony,  p.  586. 


Chinese  Immigration.  249 

we,  they  remain  an  inferior  class,  doing  our  drudg- 
ery, but  enjoying  none  of  the  rights  and  performing 
none  of  the  duties  of  citizenship.  Such  a  solution 
is  abhorrent  to  the  principles  of  democracy  and  in- 
compatible with  the  maintenance  of  our  institutions. 
The  other  solution  is  that  they  shall  come  in  such 
numbers  as  to  overwhelm  our  civilization,  or  at  least 
give  rise  to  continual  race  conflicts  in  certain 
parts  of  our  continent.  The  interests  of  civiliza- 
tion forbid  the  opening  of  even  the  possibility  of 
such  a  conflict.^ 

The  real  question  involved  in  Chinese  immigra- 
tion, therefore,  was  whether  they  were  likely  to  come 
in  such  numbers  as  to  prove  an  inconvenience  to  our 
civilization.  Even  Seward,  the  zealous  defender  of 
the  Chinese,  acknowledges  that  if  there  were  danger 
of  their  coming  en  masse  it  would  be  well  to  protect 
ourselves. 2  The  question  is  involved  in  obscurity. 
The  population  of  China  certainly  numbers  hundreds 
of  millions,  and  their  fertility  is  enormous.  So  long 
as  the  economic  advantages  which  have  already  at- 
tracted them  to  this  country  remain,  one  cannot  see 
why  they  should  not  continue  to  come,  and  in  in- 
creasing masses,  as  the  facilities  of  transportation 
improve.      Seward    maintains   that  they  are    a   con- 

1  See  an  excellent  article  by  M.  J.  Dee  in  The  North  American 
Review,  vol.  126,  p.  506,  1878. 

2  See  also  Senator  Hamlin,  who  opposed  so  vigorously  the  exclusion 
bill  of  1879.     Senate  Debates,  Feb.  14,  1879. 


250  Einigratiofi  and  hnmigratio7i. 

servative  race,  and  that  there  is  no  danger  of  any 
such  influx.  However  that  may  be,  the  problem  was 
one  where  we  could  easily  have  guarded  ourselves 
against  danger  by  wise  negotiation  and  a  friendly 
understanding  with  the  government  of  China,  which 
had  not  the  slightest  inclination  to  encourage  the 
emigration  of  its  subjects.  We  return  now  to  our 
actual  legislation  on  the  subject. 

The  report  of  the  committee  of  1876  was  violently 
denunciatory  of  the  Chinese,  and  regarded  all  the 
statements  of  their  adversaries  as  fully  proven.  It 
admitted  that  there  were  some  respectable  people 
who  defended  them,  but  insinuated  that  these  peo- 
ple were  either  capitalists  who  profited  by  their 
cheap  labor,  or  clergymen  who  considered  it  a  relig- 
ious duty  to  admit  the  Chinese  in  order  to  chris- 
tianize them.     The  report  closed  as  follows  : 

"  The  committee  recommend  that  measures  be  taken  by  the 
executive  looking  toward  a  modification  of  the  existing  treaty 
with  China,  confining  it  to  strictly  commercial  purposes  ;  and 
that  Congress  legislate  to  restrain  the  great  influx  of  Asiatics 
to  this  country.  It  is  not  believed  that  either  of  these  measures 
would  be  looked  upon  with  disfavor  by  the  Chinese  government. 
Whether  this  is  so  or  not,  a  duty  is  owing  to  the  Pacific  states 
and  territories,  which  are  suffering  under  a  terrible  scourge,  but 
are  patiently  [?]  waiting  for  relief  from  Congress." 

Owing  to  the  excitement  caused  by  the  dispute 
over  the  presidential  election  of  1876,  no  action  was 


Chinese  Immigration.  251 

taken  on  the  report  of  the  committee.  The  question 
did  not  sleep  long.  On  January  25,  1878,  Mr.  Willis, 
from  the  House  committee  on  Education  and  Labor, 
presented  a  report  denouncing  Chinese  immigration 
in  the  strongest  terms,  and  recommending  that  cor- 
respondence be  opened  with  China  and  Great  Britain 
with  a  view  to  putting  a  stop  to  it.  On  January  29, 
1879,  ^^-  Willis  again  presented  a  special  report, 
which  dealt  with  three  points  only:  ist.  Can  Con- 
gress repeal  a  treaty  .-^  2d.  Previous  efforts  at  relief. 
3d.  Restrictive  measures  necessary.^  A  bill  was  at 
the  same  time  introduced  into  the  House  restricting 
immigration  from  China  to  fifteen  persons  upon  any 
one  vessel.  Extended  debates  followed,  both  in  the 
House  and  the  Senate.  The  latter  are  particularly 
interesting,  for  the  Senate  is  the  treaty-making 
power,  and  it  is  natural  to  suppose  that  it  would  be 
sensitive  about  legislation  directly  abrogating  treaty 
stipulations  which  it  had  itself  entered  into.  In  the 
Senate  we  find  only  one  member,  the  aged  Senator 
Hamlin  of  Maine,  still  standing  on  the  basis  of  free 
immigration  as  a  natural  right  of  man  and  one  of  the 
foundation  doctrines  of  the  republic.  Mr.  Hamlin 
said  :  "  I  believe  in  principles  coeval  with  the  foun- 
dation of  government,  that  this  country  is  the  '  home 
of  the  free,'  where  the  outcast  of  every  nation,  where 
the  child  of  every  creed   and  of  every  clime  could 

^  Quoted  by  Seward,  p.  299. 


252  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

breathe  our  free  air  and  participate  in  our  free  insti- 
tutions." ^ 

Senator  Matthews  of  Ohio  opposed  the  bill  vigor- 
ously because  it  was  a  violation  of  the  treaty  of  1868, 
and  he  believed  that  we  ought  first  to  seek  to  modify 
that  treaty  by  diplomatic  negotiations.  Mr.  Blaine 
tried  to  evade  this  point  by  declaring  that  China  had 
already  broken  the  provision  of  the  treaty  prohibiting 
the  coolie  traffic,  —  a  statement  for  which  we  are  un- 
able to  find  any  evidence  in  the  testimony  offered 
before  the  committee  of  1876.  Mr.  Sargent  of  Cali- 
fornia argued  that  Congress  had  the  power  to  abro- 
gate a  treaty,  although  he  admitted  that  it  ought  not 
to  be  done  except  in  an  emergency.  He  tried  to 
prove  that  Great  Britain  had  contravened  her  treaty 
of  1858  with  China  by  laws  forbidding  the  entrance 
of  Chinese  into  Australian  colonies.  He  finally  re- 
peated the  old  arguments  about^  the  dangers  of  Chi- 
nese immigration  into  California. 

The  question  seems  to  have  gotten  into  practical 
politics  again,  for  the  bill  passed  the  House  by  an 
overwhelming  vote  and  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of 
thirty-nine  against  twenty-seven.  It  was  vetoed  by 
President  Hayes  on  the  ground  that  it  was  such  a  vio- 
lation of  the  treaty  of  1868  as  would  relieve  China 
from  her  obligations  and  expose  our  citizens  in  China 
to  the  consequences  of  this  abrogation  of  their  treaty 

1  Senate,  Feb.  15,  1879. 


Chinese  Immigration.  253 

protection.  Wc  were  thus  saved  from  the  disgrace 
of  breaking  a  solemn  treaty,  but  in  a  way  that  was 
not  very  flattering  to  China. 

The  executive  hastened  to  comply  with  the  wish  of 
the  representatives  of  the  people  that  the  treaty  of 
1868  should  be  modified,  and  a  commission  was  sent 
in  1880  to  China  for  that  purpose.  The  Chinese 
proved  to  be  shrewd  negotiators,  and  showed  that 
they  were  not  unconversant  with  the  condition  of 
things  in  the  United  States.^  To  the  intimation  of 
the  American  commissioners  that  a  modification 
of  the  Burlingame  treaty  was  desirable,  they  replied  : 
That  there  was  no  compulsory  emigration  from  China 
to  the  United  States  ;  that  China  rejoiced  in  the  free- 
dom which  her  subjects  enjoyed  in  America;  they 
also  quoted  a  declaration  of  Senator  Morton,  that  the 
constitution  declared  that  all  peoples  might  come  to 
the  United  States  without  let  or  hindrance ;  and  de- 
clared that  the  Chinese  in  America  had  added  greatly 
to  the  wealth  of  this  country.  They  said  still  further, 
that  the  previous  minister,  Mr.  Seward,  had  proposed 
a  modification  of  the  treaty  for  the  purpose  of  prohib- 
iting the  emigration  of  four  classes  of  persons ;  viz., 
coolies,  prostitutes,  criminals  and  diseased  persons. 
They  were  quite  willing  to  consider  such  a  proposition, 
"provided  always  that  such  negotiation  shall  not  be 
contrary  to  the  stipulations  of  the  Burlingame  treaty." 

1  For  negotiations,  see  Foreign  Relations  of  U.  S.,  1880,  China. 


254  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

This  unexpected  attitude  of  the  Chinese  negotia- 
tors, together  with  certain  insinuations  on  their  part 
that  the  Chinese  agitation  was  simply  a  concession 
to  practical  politics  in  America,  compelled  the  Amer- 
ican commissioners  to  call  them  to  order  quite 
sharply,  by  saying  that  such  an  insinuation  was  an 
insult  to  the  government  of  the  United  States,  that 
the  recall  of  Mr.  Seward  and  the  sending  of  the  pres- 
ent commission  was  intimation  enough  that  the  mod- 
ification proposed  was  not  satisfactory ;  and  they 
finally  submitted  articles  by  which  the  United  States 
government  should  be  allowed  to  limit,  suspend,  or 
prohibit  the  immigration  of  Chinese  laborers,  when- 
ever it  saw  fit.  The  measure  was  not  to  include  per- 
sons coming  for  trade,  teaching,  travel,  study  or 
curiosity. 

The  Chinese  negotiators  refused  to  acquiesce  in 
absolute  prohibition ;  desired  that  the  restrictions 
should  apply  to  the  state  of  California  only  ;  that  the 
term  laborer  should  not  include  artisans  ;  and  that 
the  regulative  measures  should  be  submitted  to  the 
Chinese  minister  at  Washington  for  his  approval. 
The  last  three  suggestions  the  Americans  declared 
to  be  impossible  ;  but  they  agreed  to  drop  the  word 
prohibit,  and  the  clause  was  modified  so  as  to  read : 
"  The  government  of  the  United  States  may  regulate, 
limit  or  suspend  such  coming  or  residence,  but  may 
not    absolutely    prohibit    it."       It    was    still    further 


Chinese  Immigration.  255 

agreed  that  the  limitation  or  suspension  should  be 
reasonable,  and  should  apply  only  to  Chinese  going 
to  the  United  States  as  laborers,  other  classes  being 
exempt ;  that  the  exempt  classes  and  Chinese  labor- 
ers then  in  the  United  States  should  be  allowed  to 
come  and  go  of  their  own  free  will  and  accord  ;  and 
finally,  that  "if  Chinese  laborers  or  Chinese  of  any 
other  class  now  either  permanently  or  temporarily 
residing  in  the  United  States,  meet  with  ill  treatment 
at  the  hands  of  any  other  persons,  the  government  of 
the  United  States  will  exert  all  of  its  power  to  devise 
measures  for  their  protection,  and  to  secure  to  them 
the  same  rights,  privileges,  immunities  and  exemp- 
tions as  may  be  enjoyed  by  the  citizens  or  subjects 
of  the  most  favored  nation,  and  to  which  they  are 
entitled  by  this  treaty." 

Such  was  the  treaty  of  1880.  Congress  exercised 
the  power  therein  conferred  by  the  act  of  May  6, 
1882,  suspending  the  immigration  of  Chinese  la- 
borers for  the  period  of  ten  years.^  Provision  was 
made  however  that  the  act  should  not  apply  "to 
Chinese  laborers  who  were  in  the  United  States  on 
the  seventeenth  day  of  November,  1880,  or  who  shall 
have  come  into  the  same  before  the  expiration  of 
ninety  days  next  after  the  passage  of  this  act."     If 

^  A  previous  act  suspending  the  immigration  of  Chinese  laborers  for 
twenty  years  had  been  vetoed  by  President  Arthur  on  the  ground  that 
it  amounted  to  prohibition. 


256  Emigration  and  Iviniigratioji. 

they  desired  to  leave  the  country  they  should  receive 
a  certificate  from  the  custom-house  officials,  on  pres- 
entation of  which  they  should  be  allowed  re-entry. 
An  act  of  1884  made  this  certificate  sole  evidence  of 
the  fact  that  a  Chinaman  had  been  a  resident  of  this 
country,  it  having  been  found  that  the  courts  were 
crowded  with  Chinese  who  wished  to  prove  by  parole 
evidence  that  they  had  been  residents  here  before 
1882,  and  the  sanctity  of  an  oath  not  being  regarded 
very  highly  by  the  Chinese.  The  act  of  1882  also 
forbade  the  naturalization  of  Chinese  by  any  federal 
or  state  court.  It  declared  that  the  term  "laborer" 
meant  both  skilled  and  unskilled  laborers  and  those 
engaged  in  mining. 

We  seemed  thus  by  the  treaty  of  1880  and  the 
acts  in  pursuance  thereof  to  have  worked  ourselves 
into  a  position  where  any  possible  danger  from  Chi- 
nese immigration  w^ould  be  averted.  The  number 
of  Chinese  laborers  was  to  be  absolutely  restricted 
to  those  already  here  and,  of  course,  would  be  con- 
stantly diminished  by  deaths  and  removals.  The  act 
of  1884  was  carried  out  with  extreme  harshness  and 
gave  rise  to  many  cases  of  individual  hardship.  For 
instance,  a  Chinese  laborer  who  was  here  in  1880, 
but  departed  before  the  act  of  1882  requiring  a  cer- 
tificate had  been  passed,  was  refused  admission  on 
his  return  on  the  ground  that  he  had  no  certificate, 
which  by  the  act  of  1884  was  made  an  indispensable 


Chinese  hinnigration.  257 

condition  of  re-admission.  Relief  was  given  in  his 
case  by  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  that  the 
act  of  Congress  should  not  be  interpreted  as  demand- 
ing a  condition  impossible  of  fulfilment,  and  that, 
although  Congress  has  the  power  to  abrogate  treaties 
by  legislative  action,  yet  such  power  will  not  be 
deemed  to  have  been  exercised  if  any  other  interpre- 
tation of  the  statute  is  possible.^  Another  hardship 
was  that  the  statute  of  1884  required  that  even  the 
exempt  classes  of  Chinese  coming  to  the  United 
States  should  present  a  certificate  issued  by  Chinese 
officials  if  they  came  from  China,  or  by  the  officials 
of  other  powers  if  they  were  subjects  of  such  powers. 
A  Chinese  merchant  came  from  Hong-Kong  where 
there  was  no  Chinese  official  and  was  refused  admis- 
sion under  the  act  of  1884,  although  the  treaty  of 
1880  said  expressly  that  restrictions  should  not  apply 
to  merchants.^ 

Still  further,  notwithstanding  all  the  concessions 
of  the  Chinese  government  in  regard  to  further 
immigration,  the  Chinese  in  America  were  not 
treated  any  better  than  before.  In  September,  1885, 
the  Chinese  mining  laborers  in  Rock  Springs,  Wyo- 
ming Territory,  on  refusing  to  join  in  a  strike  were 
set  upon  by  the  whites,  twenty-eight  were  murdered 
outright,    fifteen    were    wounded,    and    many    others 

1  Chew  Heong  vs.  U.  S.,  112  U.  S.  R.  536. 

2  President  Cleveland,  special  message  of  April  6,  1886. 


258  Emigration  and  luimigration. 

driven  from  their  homes,  wliile  their  property  to  the 
value  of  upwards  of  ^147,000  was  either  destroyed 
or  pillaged  by  the  rioters.  The  legal  investigation 
by  the  local  ofhcer  of  the  law  was  a  mere  travesty  of 
justice.^  Other  outrages  followed  in  Washington 
Territory.  The  Chinese  minister  at  Washington 
appealed  for  redress  on  the  basis  of  that  article  in 
the  treaty  of  1880  in  which  the  United  States  gov- 
ernment promised  to  exert  all  its  power  to  devise 
measures  for  the  protection  of  Chinese  who  were  ill- 
treated  and  secure  to  them  the  same  rights  as  those 
enjoyed  by  the  citizens  of  the  most  favored  nation. 
He  was  rewarded  by  a  long  disquisition  from  the  Secre- 
tary of  State  on  the  division  of  powers  in  the  govern- 
mental system  of  the  United  States,  which  puts  the 
preservation  of  order  into  the  hands  of  the  local 
authorities,  and  the  declaration  that  the  Chinese 
enjoyed  the  same  rights  as  the  citizens  of  any  other 
country  when  they  were  injured  in  person  or  prop- 
erty, —  that  is,  to  sue  in  the  courts.  The  United 
States  government  could  not  interfere  with  the  local 
authorities,  even  in  a  territory.  All  this  is  very 
true,  only  one  may  ask  what  the  United  States 
government  intended  by  the  article  which  it  had 
inserted  in  the  treaty  of  1880.  The  President  in 
successive  messages  deprecated  the  Chinese  outrages 

2  Wharton,  Int.  Law  Digest,  vul.  i,  p.  475.     Secretary  of  State  to 
Chinese  minister. 


Chinese  Innnigration.  259 

and  recommended  that  Congress  out  of  its  bounty 
indemnify  the  sufferers.  The  sum  of  $147,000 
was  appropriated  in  1887  for  the  Rock  Springs 
victims  and  a  further  sum  of  $276,000  was  agreed 
upon  in  the  abortive  treaty  of  1888.^  All  through 
these  years  the  outrages  continued  and  the  Chinese 
minister  in  1888  sent  to  our  State  department  a  list 
of  forty  Chinamen  who  had  been  murdered,  and  up 
to  that  time  not  one  of  the  murderers  had  been 
brought  to  justice.2  Payments  of  money  were  the 
only  satisfaction  which  China  ever  received  from  this 
Christian  country  for  outrages  disgraceful  to  our  civ- 
ilization, while  she  was  obliged  to  give  strict  account 
for  every  offence  committed  against  Christian  mis- 
sionaries in  China  who  were  constantly  getting  them- 
selves into  trouble  by  overstepping  the  limits  fixed 
by  treaty  stipulations. 

In  1886  the  Chinese  government  announced  to 
the  United  States  minister  at  Pekin  that  China  of 
her  own  accord  proposed  to  establish  a  system  of 
strict  and  absolute  prohibition,  under  heavy  pen- 
alties, of  her  laborers  coming  to  the  United  States, 
and  likewise  to  prohibit  the  return  to  the  United 
States  of  any  laborer  who  had  at  any  time  gone  back 
to  China  "in  order  that  the  Chinese  laborers  may 
gradually  be  reduced  in  number  and  causes  of  dan- 

1  Foreign  Relations,  1888,  p.  311. 

2  Ibid.  p.  391. 


26o  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

ger  averted  and  lives  preserved.^  We  were  only  too 
glad  to  enter  into  such  arrangements  and  after  some 
negotiations,  in  which  China  again  attempted  (but  in 
vain)  to  read  some  meaning  into  the  clause,  taken 
from  the  treaty  of  1880,  by  which  the  United  States 
government  promised  to  exert  all  its  power  to  pro- 
tect the  Chinese  already  here  against  ill-treatment, 
articles  were  agreed  upon  between  the  negotiators. 
The  immigration  of  Chinese  laborers  was  absolutely 
prohibited  for  twenty  years ;  but  any  Chinese  laborer 
having  lawful  wife,  child,  or  parent,  or  property  to 
the  amount  of  $1000  in  the  United  States  should  be 
allowed  to  go  out  of  this  country  and  come  back  on 
condition  of  his  obtaining  a  certificate  from  the  col- 
lector of  customs  and  returning  within  one  year. 
This  measure  seemed  drastic  enough,  but  in  order  to 
be  perfectly  sure,  the  Senate  added  two  amendments 
by  which  the  prohibition  was  expressly  extended  "  to 
the  return  of  Chinese  laborers  who  are  not  now  in 
the  United  States,  whether  holding  certificates  under 
existing  laws  or  not,"  and  the  production  of  a  certifi- 
cate was  made  absolutely  necessary  for  re-admission. 
So  anxious  were  we  to  prevent  the  return  even  of 
those  who  we  had  said  might  return !  The  Chinese 
minister  received  the  additional  amendments  with 
the  remark  that    they  did    not    materially  alter   the 

1  Message  of  President  Cleveland,  Oct.    i,  1888.     Foreign    Rela- 
tions, 1888,  p.  357. 


CJiincse  Immigration.  261 

treaty,  showing  that  he  had  expected  the  harshest 
interpretation  of  it  as  a  matter  of  course,  and  the 
treaty  was  sent  on  to  China  for  ratification.  This 
was  in  May,  1888. 

The  government  of  the  United  States  confidently 
expected  that  China  would  ratify  the  treaty  and 
hoped  to  display  it  as  a  master  stroke  for  the  satisfac- 
tion of  the  people  of  the  Pacific  slope.  In  China 
there  was  unaccountable  delay.  It  seemed  that 
China  desired  to  lessen  the  term  of  twenty  years, 
and  to  gain  for  Chinese  laborers  having  property  less 
than  ^1000  in  value  the  right  to  return.  The  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States  grew  impatient.  A  bill 
was  passed  for  the  exclusion  of  the  Chinese,  to  go 
into  effect  as  soon  as  the  treaty  was  ratified,  and  this 
measure  was  signed  by  the  President.  Finally  the 
report  came  by  way  of  England  that  the  Chinese 
government  had  rejected  the  treaty.  The  politicians 
in  Congress  saw  their  way  open  to  embarrass  the 
Administration  and  do  a  good  stroke  of  business,  and 
passed  a  bill  absolutely  prohibiting  the  coming  of 
Chinese  laborers  to  the  United  States.  The  State 
department  telegraphed  to  China  to  know  whether 
the  Chinese  government  would  ratify  the  treaty  or 
not,  and  a  decision  was  demanded  within  forty-eight 
hours.  In  the  meantime  the  Chinese  ministers  had 
been  offended  by  the  report  that  the  Plouse  of 
Representatives  had  already  passed  a  bill  of  exclu- 


262  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

sion,  and  to  the  categorical  demand  of  the  United 
States  minister  they  returned  answer  that  the  treaty 
needed  further  consideration.  The  President  there- 
upon signed  the  bill  which  had  been  passed  by  both 
houses.  It  is  so  brutally  direct  and  frank  that  we 
give  it  in  full  : 

"  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  United  States  of  A7nerica  iit  Congress  assembled,  That  from 
and  after  the  passage  of  this  act,  it  shall  be  unlawful  for  any 
Chinese  laborer  who  shall  at  any  time  heretofore  have  been,  or 
who  may  now  or  hereafter  be,  a  resident  within  the  United 
States,  and  who  shall  have  departed,  or  shall  depart,  therefrom, 
and  shall  not  have  returned  before  the  passage  of  this  act,  to 
return  to,  or  remain  in,  the  United  States. 

"  Sec.  2.  That  no  certificates  of  identity  provided  for  in  the 
fourth  and  fifth  sections  of  the  act  to  which  this  is  a  supplement 
shall  hereafter  be  issued  ;  and  every  certificate  heretofore  issued 
in  pursuance  thereof,  is  hereby  declared  void  and  of  no  effect, 
and  the  Chinese  laborer  claiming  admission  by  virtue  thereof 
shall  not  be  permitted  to  enter  the  United  States. 

"Sec.  3.  That  all  the  duties  prescribed,  liabilities,  penalties 
and  forfeitures  imposed,  and  the  powers  conferred  by  the  second, 
tenth,  eleventh  and  twelfth  sections  of  the  act  to  which  this  is 
a  supplement  are  hereby  extended  and  made  applicable  to  the 
provisions  of  this  act. 

"  Sec.  4.  That  all  such  part  or  parts  of  the  act  to  which  this 
is  a  supplement  as  are  inconsistent  herewith  are  hereby  repealed. 

"Approved,  October  i,  1888." 

The  President  in  a  message  accompanying  his 
approval  of  the  bill  declared  that  the  Chinese  gov- 


Chinese  Immigration.  263 

ernment  in  delaying  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  had 
violated  its  pledges,  and  that  the  demand  for  further 
consideration  meant  an  indefinite  postponement  of 
the  objects  that  we  had  in  view.  While  approving 
the  bill  the  President  mildly  suggested  that  it  ought 
not  to  apply  to  Chinese  already  on  their  way  hither, 
and  that  the  Chinese  indemnity  money  which  had 
been  agreed  upon  in  the  treaty  ought  still,  out  of 
the  "spirit  of  humanity  befitting  our  nation,"  to  be 
paid.^ 

The  Chinese  question  has  reached  the  same  acute 
stage  in  the  British  colonies  that  it  has  in  the  United 
States.  For  many  years  the  Chinese  laborers  in 
Australia  have  been  viewed  with  dislike  and  jealousy. 
The  same  accusations  have  been  brought  against 
them  as  in  California,  and  for  many  years  the  colonial 
governments  have  imposed  a  heavy  head-tax  on  their 
arrival.  Their  number  has  increased  until  now  there 
are  from  43,000  to  45,000  Chinese  in  Australia.  Mat- 
ters were  brought  to  a  crisis  by  the  news  that  the 
United  States  had  concluded  an  exclusion-treaty  with 
China,  and  a  conference  w^as  called  of  the  various  colo- 
nial governments  in  which  it  was  proposed  that  the 
number  of  Chinese  immigrants  should  be  limited  to  one 
for  every  500  tons  of  a  vessel's  burden. "■^     The  Chinese 

1  Foreign  Affairs,  1888,  p.  356. 

*  See  Correspondence  relating  to  Chinese  Immigration  into  the 
Australian  Colonies,  1888. 


264  Efnigration  Mid  Immigration. 

minister  in  London  protested  against  this  invidious 
treatment  of  his  countrymen,  and  Lord  Salisbury 
appealed  to  the  colonics  to  be  patient  until  a  treaty 
could  be  concluded  with  the  Chinese  government 
similar  to  the  one  which  it  was  supposed  would  be 
ratified  with  the  United  States.  It  appears,  however, 
that  the  restrictive  acts  are  still  in  force,  and  in  some 
colonies,  British  Columbia,  for  example,  they  are 
more  severe  than  any  that  had  ever  been  enforced  in 
the  United  States  up  to  the  act  of  1888.  The  rejec- 
tion of  the  American  treaty  by  China,  which  was  said 
to  be  due  to  Chinese  popular  opinion,  was  a  severe 
blow  to  Lord  Salisbury's  hope  that  the  matter  might 
be  adjusted  by  negotiation,  and  no  satisfactory 
arrangement  has  as  yet  been  reached. 

Such  is  the  status  of  the  Chinese  question  at  the 
present  time.  The  Scott  bill  of  1888  has  been  de- 
clared constitutional  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  although  it  over-rides  the  treaty  of 
1880,  and  inflicts  hardships  on  many  individuals.-^ 
The  court  has  declared  that  the  right  of  a  country  to 
exclude  aliens  from  its  territory  is  necessary  to  its 
independence,  and  that  any  permission  it  may  have 
given  to  aliens  to  come  here  is  revocable  at  its 
pleasure,  A  decision  of  one  of  the  Australian  courts 
that  the  administration  of  Victoria  could  not  of  its 
own   motion,  without  a  statute,  direct   aliens  to  be 

^  Chae  Chang  Ping  vs.  The  Collector  of  the  Port  of  San  Francisco. 


Chinese  Immigration.  265 

kept  out,^  seems  to  turn  on  a  question  of  administra- 
tive law,  and  cannot  mean  that  neither  the  colony 
nor  the  British  Parliament  would  possess  the  right 
to  keep  aliens  out  of  the  colony.  It  is  perfectly 
natural  that  in  the  case  of  the  Chinese  the  British 
government  should  desire  to  proceed  by  way  of  diplo- 
matic negotiation  so  as  not  to  hurt  the  feelings  of  a 
friendly  nation,  or  complicate  its  foreign  relations, 
and  with  that  end  it  may  refuse  to  give  the  assent 
of  the  crown  to  colonial  legislation.  But  if  diplomatic 
negotiations  fail,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  crown 
will  be  obliged  to  yield  to  the  desires  of  the  colonies. 
Popular  sentiment  in  the  United  States,  while  con- 
demning the  way  the  Chinese  have  been  treated,  has 
for  the  most  part  acquiesced  in  their  exclusion.  The 
old  ground  of  inalienable  right  to  migrate  has  been 
abandoned,  and  we  are  content  that  a  race  which 
seems  so  difficult  of  amalgamation  with  our  own 
should  be  kept  at  a  distance.  Humanitarian  dreams 
of  the  equality  of  all  men  of  all  races  and  degrees  of 
civilization  have  retired  into  the  background  as  the 
difficulty  of  applying  such  principles  to  the  practical 
problems  of  social  life  has  been  experienced.  The  new 
rule  as  to  the  exact  duty  which  a  nation  owes  to  the 
citizens  of  other  nations  who  desire  to  take  up  their  resi- 
dence with  it  has  not  yet  been  clearly  formulated.  But 
experience  will  doubtless  bring  that  also  in  due  time. 

1  London  Times,  Oct.  17,  18S8. 


CHAPTER    XII. 

RESTRICTIONS    ON    IMMIGRATION. 

It  has  already  been  said  that  freedom  of  emigration 
is  restricted  by  the  obligation  to  discharge  military 
duty,  although  otherwise  the  subject  of  almost  any 
civilized  state  has  the  right  to  expatriate  himself.  In 
like  manner  the  right  of  immigration  is  not  perfect, 
but  is  subject  to  certain  restrictions  applying  partly 
to  the  admission  of  the  stranger  and  partly  to  his 
continued  residence  in  the  state.  All  of  these  restric- 
tions rest  on  the  broad  ground  of  the  sovereignty  of 
the  nation  over  its  own  territory,  which  cannot  possi- 
bly be  limited  by  the  right  of  foreigners  to  stay  there 
against  the  desire  of  the  state.  To  admit  any  other 
principle  would  be  to  limit  the  sovereignty  of  the  state 
by  the  sovereignty  of  some  other  state.  Arrange- 
ments may  be  made  by  treaty,  but  these  are  always 
revocable  at  the  pleasure  of  either  government,  at 
the  risk,  of  course,  of  giving  a  casus  belli  to  the 
other  party. 

This  absolute  right  to  expel  aliens  or  to  refuse 
them  admission  has  often  been  exercised  ;  hitherto, 
indeed,  with  no  idea  of  restricting  the  movement  of 

266 


Restrictions  on  Ijninigfation.  267 

migration,  but  solely  from  political  and  police  con- 
siderations. It  is  only  within  the  last  ten  years  that 
there  has  been  displayed  a  disposition  to  restrict  im- 
migration on  account  of  the  general  economic  or 
social  interests  of  the  country. 

The  right  to  expel  aliens  has  always  been  main- 
tained by  the  governments  of  Europe  as  a  means  of 
protecting  themselves  against  political  conspirators. 
In  France,  for  instance,  the  law  of  December  3,  1849, 
permits  the  expulsion  of  foreigners  by  simple  minis- 
terial decree,  but  the  meaning  of  this  law  is  explained 
as  follows  : 

"It  has  been  only  too  clearly  shown  that  the  plots  which 
threaten  not  only  the  government,  but  the  entire  order  of  society, 
are  framed  by  a  vast  organization  of  agitators,  who,  having  given 
up  the  idea  of  a  fatherland,  go  wherever  there  is  an  opportunity 
for  disturbance,  and  who,  as  soon  as  their  criminal  enterprises 
have  failed,  recruit  their  ranks  on  the  territory  of  the  neighbor- 
ing country.  Society  will  not  regain  perfect  security  until  all 
European  nations  refuse  to  extend  hospitality  to  the  secret  meet- 
ings of  these  wandering  agitators,  and  it  lies  with  the  govern- 
ment to  distinguish  them  from  true  defenders  of  the  liberty  and 
the  nationality  of  the  peoples,  with  whom  they  are  too  often 
confounded."  ^ 

As  political  agitation  has  been  succeeded  by  social- 
istic agitation,  which  is  eminently  cosmopolitan,  the 

^  Report  of  M.  de  Montigny,  quoted  in  Laws  of  Foreign  Countries 
respecting  the  Admission  and  Continued  Residence  of  Destitute  Aliens, 
p.  27.     House  of  Commons  Paper,  1S87. 


268  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

wish  has  often  been  entertained  by  governments  to 
come  to  some  mutual  understanding  by  which  the 
right  of  asykmi  of  these  enemies  of  the  existing 
order  should  be  restricted.  When  the  International 
Association  of  Workingmen  began  to  spread,  the 
Spanish  administration  addressed  a  circular  note  to 
the  governments  of  Europe  proposing  common  meas- 
ures against  the  organization,  and  in  this  was  warmly 
supported  by  Prince  Bismarck  ;  but  the  proposal 
failed  on  account  of  the  refusal  of  Great  Britain.  A 
few  years  ago,  however,  Great  Britain  expelled  Most 
on  account  of  his  socialistic  writings,  and  there  is  a 
growing  desire  on  the  part  of  the  English  newspapers 
to  reach  the  Irish  agitators  who,  from  the  friendly 
shelter  of  this  country,  conduct  the  dynamite  cam- 
paign against  the  British  government.  Very  recently 
several  nations  have  tried  to  browbeat  Switzerland 
into  expelling  from  her  soil  socialistic  agitators  who 
had  taken  refuge  there.  And  one  of  the  measures 
suggested  after  the  anarchistic  outbreaks  in  Chicago 
was  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  should 
expel  from  the  country  all  the  aliens  engaged  in  the 
agitation.  All  these  cases  have  only  a  political 
interest. 

Immigration  or  the  right  to  take  up  a  permanent 
residence  is  often  restricted  by  police  measures  in- 
tended to  secure  the  community  against  the  domi- 
ciliation   of    undesirable    persons.      In    former   times 


Restrictions  on  hmnigration.  269 

this   police   supervision  (including   the   necessity   of 
having  a  passport  in  order  to  cross  the  frontier)  was 
very  severe,  but  in  modern  times  it  is  much  relaxed. 
It  generally  consists  in  the  requirement  that  a  stran- 
ger who  desires  to  take  up  a  permanent  residence  in 
the  country  shall  report  himself  to  the  police  authori- 
ties, producing  evidence  as  to  his  nationality,  his  good 
character,  and  in  some  cases  that  he  has  the  means 
of  supporting  himself.     The  last  provision  is  a  tra- 
dition of  the  old  administration  of  the  poor  law,  which 
universally  allowed   a  commune  to  refuse  admission 
to  a   person   who  was  liable   to   come    on   the   poor 
relief.     These   police  regulations  are  now  generally 
administered  with  intelligence  and  great  leniency,  so 
that  the  ordinary  stranger  has  no  trouble  in  securing 
the  right  to  reside  in  any  country  he  likes.     Thus 
in    Italy    the    "  Minister   of   the    Interior   urges  the 
greatest  toleration  towards  foreigners  whose  papers 
are  not  perfectly  regular  since  the  government  has 
decided  (in    i860)  no   longer   to    demand   travellers' 
passports.     The    police  are  to  be  satisfied  with  the 
production    of   any   kind    of   document   proving  the 
identity  of  the  individual.     No  special  permission  is 
required    by  an    alien   for  establishing   his    domicile 
in  the  Kingdom  of  Italy.  "^ 

In    exceptional    cases   these    police   measures   are 
made  more  severe.     Such  has  been  the  case  in  Ger- 

1  Laws  of  Foreign  Countries,  etc.,  p.  35, 


2/0  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

many,  where  large  cities  have  been  placed  in  the 
state  of  petty  siege  {kleiner  Belagenmgssnstand),  and 
extraordinary  powers  have  been  conferred  on  the 
police  by  the  Anti-Socialistic  laws.  Such  also  seems 
to  be  the  case  on  the  Polish  frontier,  where  the  Ger- 
man government  has  expelled  the  Slavic  population 
and  is  endeavoring  to  colonize  the  country  with  Ger- 
mans. Such  are  the  extraordinary  measures  of  the 
Russian  government  in  the  expulsion  of  Jews  and 
the  refusal  to  receive  them  again.  The  latest  legis- 
lative movement  in  this  direction  is  the  new  French 
decree  (October  2,  1888)  for  the  registration  of  for- 
eigners.    That  law  requires  that : 

"  Every  foreigner  proposing  to  reside  in  France  must  within  a 
fortnight  of  his  arrival  malce  a  declaration  to  the  authorities  :  Of 
nationality ;  of  place  and  date  of  birth  ;  of  last  place  of  residence  ; 
of  profession  or  means  of  livelihood ;  of  name,  age  and  nation- 
ality of  wife  and  children  (minors)  when  accompanied  by  them. 
Documents  have  to  be  produced  in  support  of  this  declaration. 
In  each  case  of  change  of  residence  a  fresh  declaration  has  to  be 
made.  Infractions  of  these  rules  will  be  punishable  with  police 
penalties,  independently  of  the  right  of  expulsion  vested  in  the 
Minister  of  the  Interior."^ 

The  importance  of  these  provisions  lies  in  the  fact 
that  they  are  not  merely  police  measures  such  as 
those  noted  above,  but  have  originated  in  dissatis- 
faction on  account  of  the    number  of   foreigners  in 

1  Translation  of  the  regulation  printed  in  The  Board  of  Trade  Jour- 
nal, Nov.,  1888. 


Restrictions  on  Imniigration.  271 

France.  That  number  has  trebled  since  185 1,  and 
now  constitutes  three  per  cent  of  the  total  popu- 
lation. These  foreigners,  especially  the  Italians,  work 
for  less  wages  than  the  French  workmen,  and  are 
free  from  the  military  service  wliich  is  such  a  burden. 
The  above  measure  will  probably  be  followed  by  some 
special  taxation  or  restriction  on  the  employment  of 
foreigners  in  French  factories.  If  so,  it  marks  a  dis- 
tinct departure  in  the  legislation  of  Europe  in  regard 
to  immigration  and  the  treatment  of  aliens.^ 

1  The  following  extract  from  The  Economist,  July  2,  18S7,  shows  the 
extent  of  the  feeling  in  France  against  foreigners :  "  Nearly  two  years 
back,  in  November,  1885,  a  number  of  bills  were  presented  to  the 
French  Chamber  of  Deputies,  with  the  object  of  protecting  French 
labor  and  trade  from  foreign  competition.  One  proposed,  that  in 
contracts  for  public  works  for  the  state,  the  departments,  or  the  com- 
munes, the  contractors  should  be  bound  to  employ  French  workmen 
only;  another,  that  only  French  materials  should  be  used;  a  third, 
that  all  stores  for  the  public  services,  oats  for  the  army,  coal  for  the 
navy,  etc.,  should  be  French  exclusively,  unless  they  were  articles 
not  produced  in  France;  a  fourth  demanded  that,  except  in  case  of 
absolute  necessity,  no  foreigners  should  be  admitted  as  purveyors  to 
the  state;  a  fifth  proposed  a  tax  on  foreign  workmen  and  employes, 
etc.  These  bills  were  all  referred  to  one  committee,  but  until  the 
last  few  days  nothing  more  had  been  heard  of  them.  Recent  events 
in  Alsace-Lorraine  have,  perhaps,  led  to  their  being  taken  up  afresh, 
for  the  committee  has  set  seriously  to  work  to  draw  up  a  bill  embody- 
ing all  those  desiderata,  and  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  had,  this 
week,  an  interview  with  the  committee  to  give  his  views  as  to  how  far 
such  measures  would  be  compatible  with  the  existing  treaties  of  com- 
merce. The  question  of  the  liability  of  foreigners  to  military  service 
was  also  raised  in  the  discussion  on  the  Army  Bill,  which  is  now  before 
the  French  Chamber.     M.  Flourens  was  of  opinion  that  the  treaties  of 


2/2  Emigration  mid  Iimnigration. 

There  is  one  other  class  of  cases  where  it  has 
been  a  problem  what  to  do  with  aliens  :  that  is,  when 
they  are  actual  beggars  and  vagabonds.  The  laws  of 
all  states  allow  these  persons  to  be  treated  just  as 
the  citizens  of  the  same  class  are  treated,  that  is, 
subjected  to  police  punishment,  imprisonment,  hard 
labor,  etc.,  and  in  some  cases  prescribe  that  they 
shall  be  expelled  or  sent  back  to  their  native  country. 
Belgium  once  pursued  the  policy  of  conducting  to 
the  nearest  frontier  destitute  aliens  who  have  been 
arrested  by  the  police.  She  was  soon  confronted 
with  the  difficulty  that  the  different  countries  on  her 
frontier  refused  to  receive  any  but  their  own  sub- 
jects.    By  a  convention  with  Luxemburg  that  frontier 

commerce  did  not  permit  such  restrictions,  but  he  suggested  means  by 
which  the  stipulations  of  the  treaties  might  be  evaded.  With  regard  to 
the  employment  of  foreign  workmen  and  the  use  of  foreign  material, 
he  said  that  any  legislative  exclusion  would  be  contrary  to  the  text  of 
the  treaties,  but  the  state  and  the  communes  could  introduce  whatever 
conditions  they  pleased  in  the  contracts  they  made;  meaning  that 
clauses  might  be  introduced  imposing  French  material  and  French 
workmen.  That  idea  had,  however,  been  already  acted  on  before  it 
was  suggested  by  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  The  exhibition  com- 
mittee held  a  meeting  last  week  to  invite  tenders  for  works,  and  de- 
cided that  no  foreign  firms  or  companies,  even  those  established  in 
France  and  employing  French  workmen  only,  should  be  admitted.  M. 
Flourens  also  gave  as  his  opinion  that  although  foreign  workmen  could 
not  be  taxed,  they  might  be  made  to  pay  for  exemption  from  military 
service  if  the  Army  Bill  contained  a  clause  requiring  payment  from 
French  citizens  exempt  from  military  service.  In  that  case  the  tax 
would  be  extended  to  all  persons  not  liable  to  serve  in  the  army, 
including  foreigners." 


Restrictions  on  Iiiunigration.  273 

was  closed  to  all  except  natives,  Italian  subjects  and 
Swiss  citizens.  By  a  convention  with  Germany  none 
except  those  of  German  nationality  were  to  be  sent 
to  her.  It  was  the  custom  of  the  Dutch  gendarmerie 
to  reconduct  to  the  Belgian  frontier  all  French,  Ital- 
ian and  Spanish  subjects  who  had  been  expelled  by 
Belgium.  The  latter  country  was  obliged  to  modify 
the  ordinance  so  that  the  indigent  alien  should  be  sent 
to  the  country  to  which  he  belonged.  The  difficulty 
has  sometimes  been  met  by  treaty  agreement,  by 
which  two  countries  agree  to  admit  the  subjects  of 
the  other  to  the  right  of  poor-relief.  Such  a  conven- 
tion, for  instance,  is  in  force  between  Germany  and 
Austria-Hungary,  by  which  subjects  of  the  German 
Empire  in  Austria-Hungary,  and  subjects  of  Austria- 
Hungary  in  the  German  Empire  will  be  admitted  to 
poor  law  relief  on  the  same  conditions  and  under  the 
same  legal  provisions  as  the  native  subjects  of  the 
country  in  which  application  for  relief  is  made.^ 

The  most  advanced  legislation  in  regard  to  immi- 
gration is  that  of  the  United  States.  As  we  have 
already  seen,  this  country  has  always  protested 
against  the  sending  of  paupers  and  criminals  to  her 
shores  by  the  countries  of  Europe  as  a  violation  of 
international  comity.  The  state  of  New  York 
through  her  State  Board  of  Charities  has  sent 
pauper  aliens  back  to  the  country  of   birth,  but  at 

^  Laws  of  Foreign  Countries,  etc.,  p.  30. 


2/4  Emigraiioji  and  Immigration. 

her  own  expense.  Still  further,  by  her  legislation 
New  York  made  the  steamship  companies  respon- 
sible for  immigrants  that  were  unable  to  support 
themselves.  This  legislation  having  been  declared 
unconstitutional  so  far  as  the  imposition  of  a  tax  was 
concerned,  it  was  superseded  by  the  act  of  Congress 
of  1882.  This  act,  after  providing  for  a  head  tax  of 
fifty  cents  on  every  immigrant  by  sea  and  for  the 
inspection  of  vessels  by  commissioners  empowered 
thereto  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  goes  on 
to  say  : 

"And  if  on  such  examination  there  shall  be  found  among  such 
passengers  any  convict,  lunatic,  idiot,  or  any  person  unable  to 
take  care  of  himself  or  herself  without  becoming  a  public  charge, 
they  shall  report  the  same  in  writing  to  the  collector  of  the  port, 
and  such  person  shall  not  be  permitted  to  land." 

Section  4  of  this  act  provides  : 

"  That  all  foreign  convicts,  except  those  convicted  of  political 
offences,  upon  arrival,  shall  be  sent  back  to  the  nations  to  which 
they  belong  and  from  whence  they  came.  .  .  .  The  expense  of 
such  return  of  the  aforesaid  persons  not  permitted  to  land  shall 
be  borne  by  the  owners  of  the  vessels  in  which  they  came." 

It  has  been  decided,  under  this  act,  that  landing 
persons  at  Castle  Garden  for  the  purpose  of  inspec- 
tion is  not  landing  within  the  meaning  of  the  law, 
but  that  after  they  have  left  Castle  Garden  they  are 
beyond  the  power  of  the  commissioners  and  can  no 
longer  be  returned.     It  is  for  the  convenience  of  all 


Restrictions  on  Ininiigration.  575 

persons  concerned  that  the  inspection  should  take 
place  in  Castle  Garden  rather  than  on  board  ship. 
Still  further,  it  has  been  decided  that  whether  a  per- 
son is  unable  to  take  care  of  himself  or  herself,  must 
be  determined  in  each  case,  and  the  fact  that  a  per- 
son has  been  assisted  to  emigrate  is  not  sufficient 
evidence  on  which  to  reject  him.  The  final  decision 
as  to  whether  persons  shall  be  permitted  to  land  lies 
with  the  collector  of  the  port,  and  not  with  the  com- 
missioners of  emigration.  The  law  has  been  declared 
constitutional  by  the  Supreme  Court,  as  a  regulation 
of  commerce.^ 

The  number  of  immigrants  sent  back  under  this 
act  from  the  port  of  New  York  was  in  1883,  1350; 
in  1884,  1 144;  in  1885,  1172;  in  1886,  997;  in  1887, 
289;  in  1888,  502.  During  the  last  named  year  707 
immigrants  were  reported  by  the  commissioners  to 
the  collector  of  the  port  as  being  of  the  prohibited 
classes,  but  of  this  number  only  502  were  returned 
by  the  collector.  In  addition,  569  persons  unable  to 
maintain  themselves  were  returned  to  Europe,  their 
passage  having  been  paid  wholly  or  in  part  by  the 
commissioners  of  emigration.^ 

This  division  of  power  between  the  commissioners 
and  the  collector  seems  to  be  a  bad  thing  and  will 
probably  have  to  be  remedied  by  placing  the  exccu- 

1  Eyde  vs.  Robertson.     Decided  Dec.  8,  1884. 

2  Reports  of  Commissioners  of  Emigration. 


2/6  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

tion  of  the  whole  law  in  the  hands  of  paid  officials  of 
the  United  States.  The  inspection,  also,  is  hurried 
and  inefficient  as  is  necessarily  the  case  when  thou- 
sands are  landed  in  a  single  day  and  inspected  by  a 
small  number  of  officers. 

The  legislation  of  the  United  States  has  gone  still 
further  in  restricting  immigration,  by  the  passage  of 
the  law  prohibiting  the  importation  of  laborers  under 
contract.  The  original  act  of  18S5  provided  in 
brief : 

That  it  shall  be  unlawful  for  any  person,  company, 
partnership,  or  corporation  to  prepay  the  transporta- 
tion or  in  any  way  assist  or  encourage  the  importa- 
tion or  migration  of  any  alien  or  aliens,  into  the 
United  States  under  contract  or  agreement  to  per- 
form labor  or  service  of  any  kind  in  the  United 
States.  All  such  contracts  are  made  void  ;  a  pen- 
alty of  $1000  is  imposed  on  persons  violating  the 
law,  and  of  $500  on  ship  captains  knowingly  bring- 
ing contract  laborers.  Exceptions  are  made  in  favor 
of  professional  actors,  artists,  lecturers,  or  singers, 
and  persons  engaged  strictly  as  domestic  servants, 
and  skilled  laborers  in  industries  not  yet  established 
in  the  United  States.  By  an  amendatory  act  of 
1887  vessels  are  to  be  inspected  in  the  same  way  as 
by  the  act  of  1882,  and  if  any  contract  laborers  are 
found  they  are  not  to  be  permitted  to  land,  but  must 
be  sent  back  at  the  expense  of  the  owners  of   the 


Rcstrictio7is  on  Immigration.  277 

vessels  in  which  they  came.  By  further  amend- 
ments in  1888  provision  is  made  for  the  payment  to 
informers  of  not  to  exceed  fifty  per  cent  of  the  pen- 
alties recovered  ;  and  also  that  if  an  immigrant  lands 
contrary  to  the  provisions  of  the  act  he  can  still  be 
sent  back  within  one  year  of  his  landing.^ 

The  provisions  of  this  act  do  not  seem  to  be  very 
well  enforced,  owing  to  the  difficulty  of  procuring 
evidence  as  to  the  actual  contract  or  agreement. 

Such,  together  with  the  Chinese  exclusion  bill 
mentioned  in  the  previous  chapter,  is  the  legislation 
of  the  United  States  up  to  the  present  time.  The 
committee  of  Congress  commonly  known  as  the  Ford 
Immigration  Committee  recommended  a  much  more 
severe  enactment,  but  it  never  became  law.  It  pro- 
ceeded on  the  assumption  of  the  absolute  right  of 
the  United  States  to  exclude  from  its  territory  any 
alien  for  any  reason  whatsoever.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  such  portion  of  the  preceding  legislation  as  is 
intended  to  prevent  the  coming  of  defectives  and 
delinquents  will  remain  a  part  of  our  law.  Whether 
we  shall  go  further  and  put  absolute  restrictions  on 
immigration  is  a  question  not  yet  decided  by  legisla- 
tion. 

The  whole  argument  of  this  book  has  been  to  show 
that  it  is    desirable  to  correct    certain    evils   wdiich 

^  All  these  acts  are  printed  in  Report  of  Emigration  Commissioners 
of  New  York,  18S9. 


2/8  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

flow  from  perfect  freedom  of  immigration.  When 
we  ask  what  is  the  best  method  of  doing  this,  the 
question  is  difficult  to  answer.  Of  the  various  legis- 
lative methods,  noted  above,  none  has  as  yet  proven 
entirely  satisfactory.  In  seeking  a  remedy  for  the 
present  abuses  there  is  constant  danger  that  we 
may  be  simply  groping  back  to  mediaeval  restric- 
tions and  vexations  which  are  incompatible  with  the 
conditions  of  modern  life.  There  is  danger  also  that 
a  spirit  of  chauvinism,  or  of  petty  trade  jealousy,  or 
of  demagogy  may  take  possession  of  the  movement, 
and  exploit  it  for  its  own  contemptible  purposes. 
The  control  of  immigration  must  be  free  from  the 
base  cry  of  "America  for  the  Americans,"  and  from 
any  narrow  spirit  of  trade-unionism,  or  of  a  selfish 
desire  to  monopolize  the  labor  market.  It  must  find 
its  justification  in  the  needs  of  the  community,  and 
in  the  necessity  of  selecting  those  elements  which 
will  contribute  to  the  harmonious  development  of 
our  civilization.  The  end  to  be  desired  is  perfectly 
plain.  It  is,  that  immigration  shall  be  controlled  in 
such  a  way  that  elements  incompatible  with  our 
civilization  shall  be  excluded ;  that  the  defective  and 
delinquent  classes,  who  are  only  a  burden  and  a 
danger  to  us,  shall  also  be  excluded  ;  and  that  the 
immigration  shall  not  be  on  such  a  scale  as  to 
threaten  the  integrity  of  our  political  institutions  or 
to  cause  economic  disturbances.    The  general  method 


Rcstrictio7is  on  Immigration.  279 

is  to  establish  some  process  of  selection  by  which 
the  immigration  of  undesirable  persons  shall  be  dis- 
couraged. 

From  this  point  of  view  it  is  apparent  that  abso- 
lute prohibition  of  immigration  is  neither  necessary 
nor  desirable.  The  only  exception  is  perhaps  in  the 
case  of  men  of  an  alien  civilization  like  the  Chinese, 
who  do  not  seem  disposed  to  relinquish  their  own 
habits  and  customs  for  those  of  their  adopted  land. 
The  homogeneity  of  our  civilization  seems  to  demand 
that  they  shall  be  excluded.  The  only  question  here  is 
when  the  danger  point  is  reached.  But  the  demands 
of  modern  life  would  make  the  absolute  prohibition 
of  immigration  from  Europe  burdensome  and  oppres- 
sive. It  would  be  impossible,  for  instance,  to  pre- 
vent the  friends  and  relatives  of  those  already  here 
from  joining  them.  Great  transportation  interests 
are  involved  which  it  would  be  unfair  to  destroy 
suddenly  and  without  notice.  Absolute  prohibitions 
directed  against  immigrants  of  any  particular  nation- 
ality are  invidious,  and  would  be  apt  to  provoke 
retaliation.  Our  measures  should  be  such  as  are 
practicable  to  enforce,  and  such  as  shall  have  the 
effect  of  gradually  discouraging  immigration  until  it 
shall  be  of  good  quality  and  of  reasonable  dimensions. 
Our  political  institutions  and  economic  prosperity 
must  take  care  of  the  rest. 

The  first  and  most  obvious  of  all  these  measures 


28o  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

is  the  rigid  enforcement  of  the  present  laws  against 
the  landing  of  paupers,  criminals  and  persons  unable 
to  support  themselves.  That  these  laws  are  not 
enforced  is  a  scandal  to  the  community.  There  is 
no  question  as  to  the  entire  undesirability  of  such 
immigration  both  for  us  and  for  the  persons  them- 
selves. It  is  difficult  to  make  the  inspection  suc- 
cessful when  the  immigrants  land  by  the  thousand 
at  Castle  Garden,  but  additional  inspectors  could 
make  it  more  successful  than  it  is  now.  If  the  whole 
matter  were  put  into  the  hands  of  United  States  offi- 
cials, it  might  insure  more  thoroughness  and  some 
uniformity  of  procedure  at  the  different  ports.  Still 
further,  the  steamship  companies  should  be  held 
rigidly  responsible  for  bringing  over  persons  who  are 
prohibited  by  law  from  landing.  Thereby  part  of 
the  work  of  inspection  would  be  transferred  to  them, 
and  they  would  exercise  some  discrimination  as  to 
the  kind  of  people  to  whom  they  sell  tickets.  As- 
sisted emigration,  whether  the  assistance  comes  from 
foreign  governments  or  local  authorities  or  charitable 
societies  should  be  protested  against,  and  made  a 
subject  of  diplomatic  negotiation. 

The  law  against  the  importation  of  laborers  under 
contract  should  also  be  enforced  as  far  as  it  is  pos- 
sible. It  will  not  be  possible  to  detect  every  case 
where  a  man  comes  under  promise  of  employment ; 
nor  are  these   isolated   cases   of  any  particular  con- 


Restrictions  on  hnmigration.  28 1 

sequence.  The  real  evil  of  contract  labor  is  that  it 
offers  an  opportunity  for  the  establishment  of  a  sys- 
tem of  induced  immigration.  Irresponsible  private 
parties  gather  together  ignorant  laborers,  and  un- 
der promise  of  plentiful  work  on  this  side  of  the 
water,  persuade  them  to  come  here,  abandoning  them 
as  soon  as  they  have  made  what  they  can  out  of 
them.  To  stop  such  a  business  as  this  is  not  inter- 
fering with  any  sound  freedom  of  contract  or  of 
migration,  while  it  stops  the  growth  of  what  in  the 
long  run  is  pretty  apt  to  become  a  sort  of  coolie 
traffic. 

Among  the  measures  recently  proposed  for  the  re- 
striction of  immigration,  the  most  feasible,  in  my  opin- 
ion,  is  the  requirement  of  a  consular  certificate  from 
emigrants.  The  following  plan  has  the  approval  of 
Mr.  Eugene  Schuyler.^  Every  person  who  desires  to 
emigrate  to  the  United  States  shall  be  required  to 
give  notice  to  the  nearest  United  States  consular  of- 
fice, and  the  consul  shall  thereupon  cause  an  inquiry 
to  be  instituted  as  to  the  person's  character  and  past 
history  and  also  his  economic  condition,  whether  he 
is  likely  to  become  a  burden  on  our  poor  rates,  etc. ; 
and  if  his  inquiries  are  satisfactory  he  shall  issue 
consular    certificates    in    triplicate,   one    copy   to    be 

1  Political  Science  Quarterly,  vol.  iv,  p.  490.  This  particular  plan 
is  credited  to  Mr.  George  L.  Catlin,  United  States  consul  at  Zurich, 
but  similar  proposals  came  from  several  other  consuls  in  their  reports 
on  emigration. 


282  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

retained  in  his  office,  a  second  to  be  forwarded  to 
the  collector  of  the  port  or  emigration  commissioner, 
and  the  third  to  be  given  to  the  emigrant.  No  emi- 
grant shall  be  permitted  to  land  without  the  presen- 
tation of  such  a  certificate.  Two  objections  have 
been  made  to  this  scheme.  One  is  that  it  would 
involve  our  consular  offices  in  a  great  amount  of 
clerical  labor  and  expense.  This  might  be  met  by 
charging  a  fee  for  the  certificate,  which  might  act  as 
a  wholesome  deterrent  on  the  emigration  of  poor  or 
thoughtless  persons.  The  second  objection  is  that 
our  consular  officers  would  be  dependent  largely  on 
the  police  authorities  for  their  information,  and  these 
might  seize  the  opportunity  to  hinder  the  emigration 
of  desirable  citizens  and  favor  that  of  undesirable 
ones.  It  is  not  probable  that  the  police  records, 
which  are  kept  with  great  minuteness  in  Europe, 
would  be  manipulated  for  such  a  purpose.  There 
would  be  enough  persons  interested,  the  emigrants 
themselves,  their  friends  this  side  of  the  water,  the 
emigration  agents,  the  United  States  officer,  —  to 
secure  justice  in  most  cases.  To  carry  out  such 
a  system  we  must  put  ourselves  into  friendly  com- 
munication with  the  governments  of  Europe,  and 
co-operate  with  the  system  they  are  establishing  to 
prevent  the  evils  of  emigration.  We  must  recognize 
that  they  also  are  interested  in  the  question,  and 
assist  them  in  their  efforts  to  prevent  the  evasion  of 


Restrictions  on  Immigration.  283 

services  due  the  state.  With  mutual  good-will  it 
would  seem  possible  to  control  the  movement  so  that 
it  would  be  an  injury  to  neither  the  old  country  nor 
the  new.  So  far  as  we  are  concerned,  it  would  be 
simply  transferring  the  work  of  inspection  from  this 
side  of  the  water,  where  it  can  never  be  efficiently 
performed,  to  the  other  side  where  it  ought  to  be 
done.  If  it  involves  us  in  additional  expense  and 
trouble,  we  must  recognize  the  fact  that  it  is  another 
case  of  relations  becoming  so  important  that  they 
cannot  be  allowed  to  take  care  of  themselves,  but 
must  be  regulated.  The  problem  is  not  easy  of 
solution.  Unrestricted  immigration  involves  us  in 
numerous  difficulties.  On  the  other  hand,  we  do 
not  wish  to  compromise  the  principle  of  freedom  any 
further  than  we  can  help.  The  only  alternative  is 
to  subject  the  movement  to  such  control  that  the 
dangers  shall  be  removed. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

THE    QUESTION    OF    PRINCIPLE. 

It  has  been  shown  in  the  preceding  chapters  that 
the  nations  of  the  world  are  actively  asserting  their 
right  to  regulate  the  admission  or  continued  resi- 
dence of  aliens  in  their  territory.  The  strict  legal 
right  of  each  nation  to  do  this  is  not  seriously  dis- 
puted. It  is  well,  however,  to  carry  the  investiga- 
tion one  step  further  and  inquire  how  the  right  to 
restrict  migration  is  looked  upon  from  the  standpoint 
of  the  comity  of  nations  and  of  a  theoretical  political 
science  which  is  not  governed  by  considerations  of 
mere  temporary  expediency. 

And  first,  in  regard  to  the  right  of  migration  as  a 
question  of  theoretical  international  law  :  How  are 
we  to  interpret  the  practice  and  the  declarations  of 
nations  .''  The  various  facts  already  displayed  in  the 
history  of  emigration  and  immigration  and  the  legis- 
lation at  present  in  force  will  enable  us  to  deduce 
the  following  result. 

Freedom  of  migration  is  no  natural,  inherent  right 
of  the  individual.  It  is  merely  an  historical  right 
of  very  recent  origin,  never  universally  recognized, 

284 


TJlc  Question  of  Principle.  285 

and  at  the  present  moment  undergoing  restriction 
rather  than  expansion.  Human  history  has  already 
gone  through  two  stages  on  this  question  and  is 
standing  on  the  threshold  of  a  third.  These  three 
stages  are,  the  mediaeval,  the  French  Revolutionary, 
and  the  modern  socialistic. 

All  mediaeval  life  denied  by  its  very  constitution 
any  right  of  the  individual  to  migrate  or  to  choose 
his  own  domicile.  Social  relations  regulated  by 
status  could  not  permit  individuals  to  withdraw  at 
their  own  will,  nor  find  a  place  for  strangers  not 
members  of  the  local  community.  This  is  abun- 
dantly illustrated  in  any  study  of  the  position  of 
strangers  during  the  whole  mediaeval  period.  The 
English  merchant  was  often  prohibited  "going  beyond 
seas."  The  foreign  merchant  in  England  was  obliged 
to  seek  the  special  protection  of  the  king.  Aliens 
occupied  a  suspicious  position  and  were  liable  to  be 
plundered  or  imprisoned  in  return  for  wrongs  done 
the  citizens  of  the  country  abroad.  In  Germany 
there  existed  the  so-called  Wildfangsrecht,  by  which 
a  stranger  could  be  reduced  to  the  position  of  a  serf. 
It  was  the  rule  that  the  strange  air  made  the  man 
unfree,  and  unless  he  belonged  of  status  to  the  class 
of  the  privileged,  he  sank  into  that  of  the  dependant. 
Police  considerations  required  that  a  man  should  not 
entertain  a  stranger  unless  he  were  willing  to  be 
responsible  for   him.       In  other  cases,  a  man  could 


286  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

not  withdraw  from  the  community  except  by  paying 
a  fine  which  indemnified  it  for  the  loss  ;  and  often  he 
could  not  settle  in  another  community  without  pay- 
ing a  fine  for  the  privilege  of  settling.  All  these 
restrictions  are  characteristic  of  the  petty  relations  of 
mediaeval  life. 

Even  after  the  city  and  provincial  relations  of 
early  mediaeval  times  began  to  broaden  out  into  the 
national  life  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  cen- 
turies, the  stranger  was  still  looked  upon  with  dislike. 
In  commerce  he  was  a  rival,  as  witness  the  naviga- 
tion acts  of  Cromwell  and  Charles  II.  Nations  were 
often  engaged  in  war,  and  monarchs  looked  upon  the 
emigration  of  their  subjects  as  decreasing  their  mili- 
tary strength.  In  manufactures  it  was  feared  that 
artisans  might  carry  the  secrets  of  trade  to  other 
countries.  The  growth  of  the  system  of  legal  poor 
relief  made  each  community  examine  every  accession 
to  the  population  with  jealous  eye  lest  it  should  add 
to  the  burden.  The  English  "  act  of  settlement  " 
did  not  hesitate  to  prohibit  migration  from  parish  to 
parish,  and  down  to  very  recent  years  it  was  the 
undoubted  right  of  every  ci^-y  in  Germany  to  refuse 
settlement  to  a  stranger  unless  he  could  prove  that  he 
had  property  or  the  means  of  earning  his  livelihood. 
In  none  of  these  cases  was  there  supposed  to  be  any 
right  of  the  individual.  It  was  a  question  for  the  com- 
munity, whether  it  was  willing  to  receive  him  or  not. 


The  Question  of  Prineiple.  287 

The  second  stage  was  that  which  received  the 
impress  of  the  French  Revolution,  and  which  may  be 
termed  the  period  of  individuahsm.  Two  factors 
worked  together  to  destroy  the  restrictions  of  the  old 
regime.  One  was  the  expansion  of  industry  and 
commerce,  which  burst  the  narrow  bonds  of  petty 
city  and  provincial  life  and  strove  to  become  national 
and  international  ;  the  other  was  the  revolutionary 
philosophy  with  its  doctrine  of  individual  liberty  and 
equality.  The  introduction  of  machinery  and  manu- 
facturing on  a  large  scale,  which  resulted  in  the  so- 
called  factory  system  of  modern  times,  destroyed  the 
restrictions  which  bound  a  man  to  a  certain  trade 
and  locality.  The  mediaeval  guilds  with  their  num- 
berless regulations  and  privileges  gave  way  before 
the  demand  for  large  numbers  of  unskilled  laborers 
to  work  at  the  machine.  The  apprenticeship  of 
seven  years,  which  had  been  required  before  a  man 
could  engage  in  an  industry,  was  no  longer  necessary, 
and  fell  away.  Women  and  children  were  employed 
in  increasing  numbers,  and  the  abundant  supply  of 
labor  thus  obtained  rendered  nugatory  the  old  regu- 
lations of  wages  and  hours  of  labor.  The  factory 
drew  laborers  from  other  localities,  and  thus  de- 
stroyed the  restrictions  on  free  migration  which 
were  connected  with  poor  relief  and  the  petty  finan- 
cial interests  of  narrow  communal  life. 

So    in    a    precisely    similar  way,   the  expansion  of 


288  Emigration  and  Inimigratio7i. 

commerce  removed  internal  custom  duties,  river 
tolls  and  prohibitions  and  hindrances  of  all  sorts, 
and  even  in  international  trade  led  to  greater  rec- 
iprocity or  to  partial  or  entire  free  trade.  When 
commerce  became  international,  the  foreign  mer- 
chant was  allowed  the  privilege  of  coming  and  going, 
of  residence,  of  protection  of  property  and  finally 
practically  all  the  rights  and  privileges  which  the 
citizen  enjoyed,  except  political  rights.  Freedom 
of  travel  and  domicile  were  thus  introduced,  the 
passport  system  became  for  the  most  part  a  for- 
mality, and  the  old  discriminations  against  aliens 
were  abandoned.  The  natural  corollary  of  the  mod- 
ern system  of  industry  and  commerce  is  freedom 
of  occupation,  of  travel  and  of  domicile ;  just  as  the 
natural  consequence  of  the  mediaeval  relations  of 
status  was  the  immobility  of  the  individual. 

The  "natural  rights"  doctrine  of  the  French  Revo- 
lution has  given  a  philosophic  basis  to  this  system 
of  freedom  of  migration.  The  revolutionary  declara- 
tions destroyed  all  that  remained  of  the  feudal  rela- 
tions of  personal  dependence.  The  spirit  of  liberty 
and  equality  released  the  serf  from  the  soil,  and 
finally  abolished  chattel  slavery  in  its  last  remaining 
form.  It  gave  its  sanction  to  the  abolition  of  all 
restrictions  on  trade  and  commerce,  and  even  went 
so  far  in  some  cases  as  to  enshrine  freedom  of  trade 
as  one  of  the  inalienable  rights  of  the  individual.     It 


TJie  Question  of  Principle.  289 

reversed  the  doctrine  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  de- 
clared that  freedom  was  the  natural  status  of  a  man, 
and  that  the  free  air  made  the  stranger  free  without 
regard  to  his  previous  condition.  It  deduced  from 
this  the  doctrine  that  a  man  has  the  right  to  go 
where  he  pleases,  and  to  choose  his  own  domicile.  It 
has  finally  developed  into  a  sort  of  cosmopolitan 
humanitarianism,  which  views  the  men  of  all  nations 
and  of  all  civilizations  as  of  equal  worth,  and  demands 
that  we  raise  ourselves  above  the  narrow  egoism  of 
nationality,  and  consider  the  interests  of  all  humanity. 
In  this  view  there  are  no  national  boundaries  ;  the 
individual  is  a  citizen  of  the  world  ;  the  black  man  is 
the  equal  of  the  white,  the  Asiatic  of  the  European; 
and  perfect  freedom  of  migration  is  one  factor  in 
bringing  about  the  realization  of  the  brotherhood  of 
man. 

No  one  can  fail  to  recognize  the  enormous  benefits 
which  have  accrued  to  the  world  through  this  doc- 
trine of  the  brotherhood  of  man  and  the  right  of 
men  of  all  nations  to  be  treated  like  men.  It  lies  at 
the  bottom  of  much  that  makes  our  civilization  what 
it  is.  It  is  under  the  influence  af  this  feeling  that 
we  have  treated  the  question  of  emigration  and  im- 
migration during  the  greater  part  of  this  century.  It 
has  taught  us  in  this  country  to  welcome  the  immi- 
grant of  whatever  nationality  or  condition  of  life  he 
may  be,      We  have  tacitly  pinned  our  faith  to  the 


290  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

doctrine  of  the  perfectibility  of  man,  at  least  under 
the  influence  of  free  institutions.  The  climax  of  this 
movement  was  reached  when  we  negotiated  the 
treaties  by  which  the  nations  of  Europe  acknowl- 
edged the  right  of  expatriation,  and  we  declared  it  to 
be  a  natural  and  inalienable  right  of  the  individual. 
It  is  under  the  influence  of  this  doctrine  that  restric- 
tions on  emigration  and  immigration  seem  such 
doubtful  measures.  They  seem  to  break  with  a  fun- 
damental principle  of  modern  civilization,  and  to  lead 
us  back  to  that  period  when  civil  and  political  liberty 
were  at  the  mercy  of  government.  Before  entering, 
therefore,  upon  the  consideration  of  the  third  period, 
that  of  restriction  of  migration,  on  the  threshold  of 
which  recent  legislation  seems  to  plant  us,  it  will  be 
well  to  consider  this  doctrine  of  freedom  in  all  its 
different  phases. 

In  the  first  place,  we  must  disabuse  ourselves  of 
the  notion  that  freedom  of  migration  rests  upon  any 
right  of  the  individual.  It  is  simply  a  privilege 
granted  by  the  state,  the  product  of  circumstances, 
the  result  of  expediency.  The  state,  therefore,  that 
conferred  the  liberty  may  also  withdraw  it.  The 
state  that  feels  a  loss  of  strength  by  emigration  may 
forbid  its  inhabitants  leaving  the  country.  The  state 
that  suffers  injury  from  immigration  may  put  restric- 
tions on  persons  coming  to  its  shores,  —  may  keep 
them  out  altogether  if  it  so  choose.     The  individual 


The  Questio7i  of  Principle.  291 

has  no  rights  at  all  in  the  premises.  Although  he 
may  possibly  elude  the  watchfulness  of  the  govern- 
ment that  is  trying  to  detain  him,  he  cannot  compel 
another  state  to  receive  him.  Whatever  may  be  his 
position  towards  his  home  government,  as  to  the 
foreign  state  he  has  absolutely  no  rights.  Any  privi- 
leges that  he  may  enjoy  rest  on  diplomatic  agree- 
ment, or  on  the  legislation  of  the  receiving  state,  not 
on  any  virtue  residing  in  him.  The  individual  has 
no  right  to  force  himself  i-nto  a  territory  where  he  is 
not  wanted. 

But  although  freedom  of  immigration  rests  on  no 
right  of  the  individual,  yet  it  is  sometimes  held  that 
there  is  a  cosmopolitan  duty  to  admit  other  persons 
to  the  soil  if  they  desire  to  come.  A  nation,  it  is 
said,  has  a  right  to  the  soil  only  on  condition  of 
making  the  best  use  of  it,  and  if  it  have  more  land 
than  it  really  need,  it  is  in  duty  bound  to  share  it 
with  others.  It  is  on  this  basis  that  the  colonization 
of  America  by  the  nations  of  Europe  is  theoretically 
justified.  The  Indians  were  the  original  occupiers, 
and  as  such  they  owned  the  country.  But  the  white 
men  were  more  highly  civilized,  and  could  make 
better  use  of  the  land.  What  once  barely  kept  a 
few  thousand  savages  from  starvation,  now  sustains 
millions  of  men  in  an  advanced  stage  of  culture.  So 
it  is  said  that  the  present  inhabitants  of  the  United 
States  have  no  right  to  appropriate  a  country  fitte4 


292  Emigratio7i  and  hnviigration. 

to  support  several  times  their  number.  Especially 
is  this  true  in  sight  of  the  millions  of  Europe  who 
could  find  here  comfort  which  they  can  never  hope 
to  attain  at  home.  We  have  no  right  to  keep  these 
struggling  millions  out  from  our  fertile  fields  and 
broad  prairies. 

This  principle  seems  to  me  a  perfectly  sound  one, 
but  it  is  difficult  to  apply  it  so  as  to  justify  perfect 
freedom  of  migration.  It  is  the  right  of  the  higher 
civilization  to  make  the  lower  give  way  before  it.  It 
was  this  right  that  the  nations  of  Europe  felt  was 
their  justification  in  taking  possession  of  this  new 
country.  It  would  be  the  same  right  that  would  jus- 
tify Germany  and  Belgium  and  Italy  in  founding 
colonies  in  Africa.  The  higher  civilization  has  a 
moral  right  to  triumph  over  the  lower,  for  it  is  in 
this  way  that  the  world  progresses.  The  duty  of 
every  nation  to  humanity  is  to  see  to  it  that  the 
higher  does  triumph  over  the  lower.  But  it  performs 
this  duty  best  by  preserving  its  own  civilization 
against  the  disintegrating  forces  of  barbarism.  And 
when  men  demand  admission  who  seem  to  be  of  a 
lower  rather  than  of  a  higher  stage  of  culture,  their 
right  to  be  admitted  does  not  seem  so  plain.  They 
may  degrade  the  higher  civilization  without  mate- 
rially raising  their  own.  A  conquest  by  barbarians 
does  not  raise  even  the  average  civilization  of  the 
world.     It  destroys  without  replacing.     And  even  if 


The  Question  of  Principle.  293 

it  did  in  some  slight  degree  raise  the  average  of 
human  hfe,  it  would  not  be  a  gain.  One  nation  on  a 
high  plane  of  civilization  is  better  than  half  the  world 
in  a  state  of  semi-civilization.  There  is  this  danger 
in  indiscriminate  immigration  ;  it  may  be  composed 
of  elements  which  tend  to  pull  down  rather  than 
build  up.  The  admission  of  such  elements  does  not 
help  humanity  at  large,  while  it  may  destroy  the 
standard  of  culture  of  the  nationality  receiving  them. 
There  is,  finally,  one  argument  which  is  appealed 
to  whenever  it  is  proposed  to  restrict  immigration  to 
America.  It  is  a  wide-spread  sentimental  feeling  that 
America  has  always  been  the  home  of  the  poor,  the 
refuge  of  the  oppressed  of  all  nations.  It  is  felt  that 
we  have  always  held  our  doors  open,  and  that  it  is  a 
betrayal  of  duty  to  shut  them  the  moment  we  feel 
inconvenienced  by  our  missionary  work.  I  conceive 
that  there  is  a  double  misunderstanding  here.  In  the 
first  place,  our  fathers,  when  they  spoke  of  this  coun- 
try as  the  "asylum  of  the  oppressed,"  meant  that 
here  should  be  a  refuge  from  religious  and  political 
oppression.  They  meant  that  this  should  be  the  land 
of  freedom,  that  all  who  came  here  should  have  lib- 
erty of  conscience,  liberty  of  opinion,  of  speech,  etc. 
This  country  has  on  the  whole  remained  faithful  to 
this  proclamation.  Religious  and  political  refugees  of 
all  nations  have  flocked  hither,  and  we  have  not  only 
extended  protection  to  the  new-comers,  but  have  ad- 


294  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

mitted  them  to  a  full  share  in  the  government  itself. 
Our  fathers  did  not  mean  that  we  were  to  be  an 
asylum  for  the  paupers,  the  convicts  and  the  cripples 
of  all  nations.  They  did  not  mean  asylum  in  the 
modern,  limited  signification  of  the  word.  It  is  true 
that  many  of  the  early  immigrants  were  indentured 
as  servants  and  obliged  to  work  out  their  passage 
money  after  they  came  ;  but  we  do  not  find  but  that 
the  colonists  took  the  true  view  of  these  comers. 
They  received  them  on  account  of  the  dearth  of 
labor,  but  they  would  gladly  have  had  better. 

In  the  second  place,  there  is  liability  to  grave  error 
in  reasoning  from  the  past  experience  of  a  country  to 
infallible  rules  for  its  guidance  in  the  future.  A  new 
country  passes  through  successive  stages  where  its 
needs  and  its  demands  are  entirely  different.  At  its 
first  settlement  the  need  is  for  labor,  and  any  kind  of 
labor  is  acceptable.  As  the  nation  advances  in  the 
agricultural  stage,  the  need  still  is  for  labor.  So  long 
as  unoccupied  territory  remains,  so  long  as  roads  are 
to  be  built,  canals  dug,  the  country  opened  up,  the 
need  still  is  for  labor.  It  is  in  this  stage  that  free 
immigration  is  of  benefit  both  to  the  country  and  to 
the  immigrant.  Even  if  the  immigration  is  not  of 
the  highest  type,  the  rough,  hard  life  has  a  purify- 
ing effect,  or  at  least  prevents  much  damage  being 
done.  The  immigrant  meets  with  elements  as  rough 
as  himself,   and  one  controls   the  other.      But  as  a 


The  Question  of  Principle.  295 

nation  progresses  it  loses  this  capacity  of  absorbing 
the  lower  elements  of  other  civilizations.  It  no 
longer  possesses  the  purifying  power.  It  has  all  it 
can  attend  to  with  its  own  unfortunates.  The  strug- 
gle for  existence  increases  in  severity,  and  it  can  no 
longer  offer  to  the  immigrant  the  advantages  it  once 
did.  He  finds  in  the  new  country  very  much  the 
same  conditions  as  in  the  old,  and  labors  under  many 
disadvantages,  such  as  ignorance  of  the  language, 
customs  and  habits  of  life.  It  is  no  kindness  to  the 
immigrant  to  allow  him  to  come  under  mistaken 
notions  of  the  conditions  of  life  here.  No  social  sci- 
ence teaches  that  we  should  leave  great  masses  of 
men  to  the  guidance  of  blind  impulse  or  chance. 
Neither  is  it  just  to  our  own  citizens  to  introduce  a 
mass  of  men,  who  may  increase  the  competition  in 
the  labor  market  and  lower  the  standard  of  living, 
without  any  regard  to  the  ultimate  consequences  of 
thus  following  a  principle  which  at  one  time  may 
have  been  right,  but  which  now  needs  modification. 
No  general  principle  inherited  from  "the  fathers"  is 
sufficient  to  guide  us  in  the  treatment  of  such  a 
problem  as  indiscriminate  immigration  with  all  the 
consequences  therein  involved. 

We  come  now  to  the  third  period,  upon  which  the 
state  is  just  entering,  viz.,  the  control  of  the  right  of 
migration  by  positive  law  or  by  international  agree- 
ment.     An   inherent   right  of  migration  is  seen  to 


296  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

be  untenable  in  theory,  and  unrestricted'  emigration 
and  immigration  have  been  proven  bad  in  practice. 
The  only  course  that  remains  is  to  acknowledge  the 
right  of  a  state  to  regulate  the  emigration  of  its  own 
citizens  and  the  immigration  of  strangers,  or  for 
states  to  reach  a  diplomatic  agreement  for  the  pur- 
pose. It  is  true  that  no  state  has  ever  renounced 
the  right  to  regulate  both  emigration  and  immigra- 
tion, and  it  would  be  impossible  for  a  state  so  to  do 
without  abandoning  its  own  sovereignty ;  but  there 
is  now  a  disposition  to  exercise  these  rights  for  the 
purpose  of  escaping  the  evils  of  indiscriminate  mi- 
gration. This  has  been  abundantly  illustrated  in  the 
legislation  which  was  noticed  in  the  preceding  chap- 
ters. The  states  whence  emigration  proceeds  are 
determined  to  see  to  it  that  the  business  shall  be 
conducted  in  such  a  way  that  it  shall  neither  injure 
the  state  nor  deceive  the  intending  emigrant.  The 
interests  of  the  community  over-ride  those  of  persons 
engaged  in  the  business  of  transportation,  and  can 
subordinate  even  the  interests  of  the  emigrants  if 
they  come  in  conflict  with  those  of  the  state.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  the  states  of  Europe  are  perfectly 
right  in  this  action.  There  is  still  less  doubt  that 
their  disposition  is  to  restrict  emigration  as  much 
as  possible,  and  with  the  present  sentiment  in  this 
country  and  the  British  colonics  there  is  no  likeli- 
hood that  any  protest  will  be  heard. 


TJic  Question  of  Principle.  297 

The  recent  legislation  of  the  United  States  points  no 
less  clearly  to  the  limitation  of  immigration.  Such 
action  may  proceed  either  against  certain  ^.pecified 
classes  on  the  ground  that  they  will  become  a  bur- 
den to  the  community,  or  against  a  whole  race  on 
the  ground  that  their  civilization  is  not  desirable. 
The  extension  of  this  legislation  is  only  a  question 
of  the  pressure  exerted  by  immigration.  If  it  re- 
mains where  it  is  or  decreases,  we  shall  probably 
remain  satisfied  with  our  present  measures.  If  it 
should  increase  or  deteriorate  in  character,  more 
drastic  measures  will  be  proposed.  Our  example 
in  regard  to  the  Chinese  has  already  been  followed 
by  the  Australians  and  British  Columbians ;  and 
England  and  France  show  a  disposition  to  legislate 
against  the  incoming  of  poor  foreign  workmen.  It 
is  not  probable  that  any  country  will  protest  against 
the  principle  that  each  nation  has  the  right  to  regu- 
late the  matter  for  itself,  although  the  countries  of 
Europe  may  demand  reciprocity  of  treatment  among 
themselves. 

The  principles  of  international  law  upon  which  the 
modern  practice  is  to  be  based  may  be  seen  emerg- 
ing in  several  directions.  The  right  to  restrict  emi- 
gration will  be  founded  on  a  revival  of  the  doctrine 
of  permanent  allegiance  to  the  state,  modified  by  in- 
ternational agreement.  That  doctrine,  once  so  pow- 
erful, has  been  undermined  by  the  spirit  of  Individ- 


298  Emigration  and  hnmigration. 

ualism,  and  by  the  practical  necessities  of  new  coun- 
tries where  permanent  settlers  could  not  be  held  in 
subordination  to  governments  which  they  had  ex- 
pressly renounced.  An  attempt  has  been  made  to  for- 
mulate this  practical  necessity  into  an  absolute  right 
of  the  individual  to  change  his  allegiance  whenever 
he  pleases,  but  this  has  led  to  numerous  difficulties. 
One  is  that  it  opens  the  way  for  evasion  of  those 
duties  which  every  citizen  owes  to  the  state,  such  as 
in  Europe  the  universal  military  duty,  and  to  this  no 
state  can  as  a  matter  of  principle  consent,  however 
many  exceptions  and  modifications  it  may  allow  in 
practice.  Another  is  that  the  new  allegiance  may  be 
acquired  and  used  simply  for  the  purpose  of  escaping 
the  burdens  of  the  old,  and  no  state  can  afford  to 
stake  its  influence  or  existence  on  the  protection  of 
citizens  whose  citizenship  is  merely  nominal  and  for 
the  purpose  of  commercial  gain.  The  experience  of 
the  United  States  with  its  Irish-American  and  Ger- 
man-American citizens  has  proven  this.  Finally,  this 
right  to  change  one's  allegiance  every  time  one  finds 
it  profitable  so  to  do,  has  complicated  the  whole  sys- 
tem of  international  obligation,  and  has  even  led  to 
men  being  without  a  country. 

The  modern  tendency  is  seen  in  the  following 
extract  from  a  recent  writer  on  international  law, 
which,  although  the  writer  is  an  Englishman  and 
prejudiced  perhaps  in  favor  of  the  dictum  "  once  an 


TJie  Question  of  Principle.  299 

Englishman  always  an  Englishman,"  is  a  fair  presen- 
tation of  the  question.  After  citing  the  recent  cases 
where  the  question  of  expatriation  has  come  up,  the 
author  goes  on  to  say  : 

"  It  may  be  taken  that  the  practice  of  the  foregoing  states 
gives  a  fair  impression  of  practice  as  a  whole  ;  and  it  may  be  as- 
sumed that  when  a  state  makes  the  recognition  of  a  change  of 
nationahty  by  a  subject  dependent  on  his  fulfilment  of  certain 
conditions  determined  by  itself,  or  when  it  concedes  a  right  of 
expatriation  by  express  law,  it  in  effect  affirms  a  doctrine  of  alle- 
giance indissoluble  except  by  consent  of  the  state.  Such  being 
the  case  the  doctrine  in  question,  disguised  though  it  may  be,  is 
still  the  groundwork  of  a  vastly  preponderant  custom.  It  may 
be  hoped,  both  for  reasons  of  theory  and  convenience,  that  it 
will  continue  to  be  so.  An  absolute  right  of  expatriation  in- 
volves the  anarchical  principle  that  an  individual,  as  such,  has 
other  rights  as  against  his  state  in  things  connected  with  the 
state  society  than  the  right  not  to  be  dealt  with  arbitrarily,  or 
dissimilarly  from  others  circumstanced  like  himself,  which  is 
implied  in  the  conception  of  a  duly  ordered  political  community ; 
it  supposes  that  the  individual  will  is  not  necessarily  subordi- 
nated to  the  common  will  in  matters  of  general  concernment. 
As  a  question  of  convenience,  the  objections  to  admitting  a  right 
of  expatriation  are  fully  as  strong.  The  right,  if  it  exists,  is  ab- 
solute ;  it  can  therefore  be  curtailed  only  with  the  consent  of 
each  individual.  But  if  the  doctrine  of  permanent  allegiance 
be  admitted,  there  is  nothing  to  prevent  the  state  from  temper- 
ing its  application  to  any  extent  that  may  be  deemed  proper. 
Action  upon  it  in  its  crude  form  is  obviously  incompatible  with 
the  needs  of  modern  hfe ;  but  it  is  consistent  with  any  terms  of 
international  agreement  which  the  respective  interests  of  con- 


300  Emigration  ajtd  Ivimigration. 

tracting  parties  may  demand,  and  if  recognized  in  principle  and 
taken  as  an  interim  rule  where  special  agreements  have  not  been 
made,  it  would  do  away  with  practical  inconveniences  which  fre- 
quently occur,  and  which  as  between  certain  countries  might  in 
some  cases  give  rise  to  international  dangers.  It  would  be  a  dis- 
tinct gain  if  it  were  universally  acknowledged  that  it  is  the  right 
of  every  state  to  lay  down  under  what  conditions  its  subjects  may 
escape  from  their  nationality  of  origin,  and  that  the  acquisition 
of  a  foreign  nationality  must  not  be  considered  good  by  the 
state  granting  it  as  against  the  country  of  origin  unless  the  con- 
ditions have  been  satisfied."     Hall,  International  Law,  p.  214. 

The  right  to  restrict  or  prohibit  immigration  is 
based  ultimately  on  the  sovereignty  of  a  state  over 
its  own  territory.  It  can  suffer  no  abatement  of 
that  sovereignty  on  the  part  of  other  states,  and 
still  less  on  the  part  of  individuals,  except  by  inter- 
national agreement.  That  the  consensus  of  civilized 
nations  will  allow  a  large  measure  of  freedom  of  inter- 
course and  of  trade  and  even  of  settlement  there  is 
no  doubt.  The  demands  of  modern  life  will  secure 
that.  And  so  far  as  the  evils  of  indiscriminate  immi- 
gration are  concerned,  the  practical  rule  is  already 
coming  to  be  recognized  that  it  is  not  a  friendly  act 
on  the  part  of  other  nations  to  allow  the  emigration 
of  persons  whom  the  receiving  state  does  not  con- 
sider desirable  additions  to  its  population.  In  prac- 
tice no  state  would  defend  the  right  to  ship  its  convicts 
or  paupers  to  another  state,  or  disregard  the  protest 
of  that  other  state.     And  out  of  this  practical  rule 


The  Question  of  Principle.  301 

will  there  not  finally  be  developed  the  general  princi- 
ple that  each  nation  is  bound  to  provide  for  its  own 
unfortunates  ?  They  are  a  part  of  that  society  the 
whole  of  which  constitutes  the  state.  They  are  as 
much  its  citizens  as  their  more  fortunate  neighbors. 
Out  of  the  abundance  of  the  civilization  there  must 
come  provision  for  its  weaknesses.  We  cannot  re- 
tain only  that  which  is  good  and  cast  that  which  is 
maimed  into  outer  darkness. 

And  after  all  is  it  not  a  higher  ideal,  not  only  of 
international  comity  but  also  of  humanity,  that  each 
nation  should  provide  for  its  own  failures  rather  than 
attempt  to  transfer  the  duty  to  some  other  nation  } 
If  there  be  no  room  for  them  let  them  be  sent  away 
with  at  least  some  provision  for  starting  in  the  new 
country,  so  that  they  shall  not  be  a  total  burden.  Emi- 
gration has  not  proven  a  remedy  either  for  over-popu- 
lation or  for  wide-spread  poverty  and  distress.  There 
remains  the  attempt  to  better  the  condition  of  the 
poor  at  home.  Modern  socialistic  legislation  in  its 
effort  to  improve  the  sanitary  surroundings  of  the 
laboring  classes  in  home  and  factory,  by  its  insurance 
against  old  age,  accident  and  sickness,  by  its  provis- 
ion for  education  and  culture,  is  slowly  weaving  a  web 
about  the  workman  which  will  bind  him  more  closely 
to  his  native  country.  It  is  possible  that  this  will 
provide  for  those  whom  no  man  desires,  while  leav- 
ing sufficient  freedom  to  the  stronger  and  more  enter- 


302   ■  Emigration  and  Immigration. 

prising  to  work  out  their  own  destiny.  Freedom  of 
internationd  intercourse  and  movement  will  thus 
be  preserved,  while  the  hardships  and  evils  of  the 
present  unguided,  ignorant  and  capricious  migration 
will  be  prevented. 


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INDEX. 


Age,  of  emigrants,  28 ;  of  immigrants, 

51- 

Age-classification,  effect  of,  on  statis- 
tics of  insanity,  crime  and  disease, 
152. 

Agriculture,  foreign  born  persons 
engaged  in,  94. 

Alien  paupers,  removal  of,  by  state  of 
New  York,  160;  expulsion  of,  by 
Belgium,  272;  treaty  in  regard  to, 
between  Germany  and  Austria- 
Hungary,  273. 

Aliens,  number  of,  in  Massachusetts, 
80  ;  right  to  expel,  267. 

Allegiance,  doctrine  of  permanent, 
297,  298. 

Anti-Chinese  agitation  in  California, 
238. 

Assimilation  of  foreign  elements,  63, 
65;  influences  towards,  73;  diffi- 
culty of,  in  case  of  Chinese,  247. 

Assisted  emigration  and  immigration, 
chapter  IX,  168-200;  by  Switzer- 
land, 171 ;  by  British  government, 
173 ;  by  charitable  societies,  176, 
185 ;  protest  of  U.  S.  against,  175 ; 
immigration  by  Canada,  193;  by 
Australia,  194;  Southern  Associa- 
tion for,  195. 

Asylum,  doctrine  that  this  country  is 
an,  for  the  oppressed,  251,  293. 

Australia,  assisted  immigration  to, 
194;  Chinese  question  in,  263. 

Austria,  emigration  from,  19. 

Austria-Hungary,  paupers  sent  back 
to,  160;  treaty  between,  and  Ger- 
many in  regard  to  paupers,  273. 
See  also  Hungary, 


Bedridden  among  foreign  born  in 
Massachusetts,  156. 

Belgium,  emigration  from,  19;  emi- 
grant's bureau  at  Buenos  Ayies, 
204 ;  expels  alien  paupers,  272. 

Bibliography,  303. 

Births,  excess  of,  over  deaths  com- 
pared with  emigration,  23. 

Blind  among  the  foreign  born,  155, 

156. 

Boston,  persons  of  native  and  foreign 
parentage  in,  71. 

Bringing  up  children,  cost  of,  104. 

British,  see  Great  Britain. 

British  America  {and  British  Amer- 
icans), female  immigrants  from, 
50;  persons  having  fathers  born  in, 
68;  born  in,  69;  marriage  of,  76  n.; 
engaged  in  productive  occupations 
in  U.  S.,  71,  96. 

Brotherlwod  of  man,  doctrine  of,  289. 

Burlingame  treaty  with  China,  229, 
231. 

Canada,  z.%s\%\.&A  immigration  to,  178, 
185.  193-  See  also  French  Cana- 
dians. 

Capitalized  value  of  immigrant,  109. 

Castle  Garden,  221. 

Charitable  societies  sending  out  pau- 
pers, 160,  176,  185. 

Cheap  labor,  effect  of,  143. 

Chinese  itnmigration,  chapter  XI, 
227-265. 

Cities,  foreign  born  in,  71 ;  unskilled 
labor  in,  120. 

Citizenship,  a  matter  of  choice,  201. 

Civilization,  characteristics  of  Amer- 


309 


3IO 


Index. 


ican,  4;  progress  of,  renders  de- 
mand for  unskilled  labor  less,  119; 
what  it  consists  of,  147 ;  tenacity 
of  Chinese  in  adhering  to  their 
own,  248  ;    different  stages  in,  294. 

Colonies,  early,  12;  effect  of.  on 
Europe,  13  ;  separation  from  home 
country,  14;  assist  immigration, 
169;  opposition  to  assisted  emi- 
gration, 184. 

Colonists,  task  before,  in  the  U.  S., 
53 ;  distinction  between,  and  immi- 
grants, 35. 

Colonizatio7i,  committee  of  House  of 
Commons,  180;  of  America,  291. 

Commerce,  regulation  of,  only  by 
Congress,  241 ;  expansion  of,  287. 

Commissioners  of  Emigration  of  New 
York,  220,  222,  225. 

Committee  of  Congress  on  Chinese 
immigration,  242;  report  of,  250. 

Competition,  with  American  labor, 
chapter  VII,  123-146;  on  a  cer- 
tain plane  of  living,  138 ;  true 
office  of,  141. 

Connecticut,    Italian   immigrants   in, 

133- 

Consular  certificates,  plan  of,  281. 
Consular  jurisdiction,  in  China,  230. 
Consular  protection  to  emigrants,  204. 
Conquest,  early  migration  for  purpose 

of,  12. 
Contract  labor,  129-131 ;    legislation 

of  U.   S.  against,  276;  should  be 

enforced,  279. 
Control  of  immigration,  methods  of, 

277-283. 
Convicts,  of  foreign  birth  or  parentage 

in    Massachusetts,   157 ;    exclusion 

of,  by  U.  S.,  274. 
Criminals,  among  foreign  born,  157. 
Crippled,  among  foreign  born,  156. 

Deaf  and  ditmb,  among  foreign  born, 
155  ;  in  Massachusetts,  156. 

Deformed,  among  foreign  born,  in 
Massachusetts,  156. 

Democratic  institutions,  smooth 
working  of,  91. 


Denmark,  emigration  from,  19;  per 
1000  inhabitants,  21 ;  since  1820, 
67;  paupers  returned  to,  160. 

Destination,  avowed,  of  immigrants, 
69. 

Diseased,  acute  and  chronic,  among 
foreign  born  in  Massachusetts,  156. 

Distribution  of  foreign  born  in 
U.  S.,  70. 

Economic  gain  by  immigration,  chap- 
ter VI,  93-122. 

causes    of    emigration,   31;    of 

immigration,  44. 

effects  of  Chinese  immigration, 

244. 

problems,  character  of,  2. 

prosperity,  effect  of,  on  immi- 
grants, 73. 

value   of    the   immigrant,    104- 

III. 

well-being,  in  America,  6  ;  effect 

of  immigration  on,  8. 

Emigrants,  age  and  sex  of,  28  ;  money 
taken  with,  98 ;  economic  value 
of,  no;  occupations  of,  114;  pro- 
tecting the,  201 ;  tieatment  of,  on 
board  ship,  215.     See  Emigration. 

Emigration,  history  of,  chapter  II, 
12-32 ;  a  phenomenon  of  modern 
life,  12,  15 ;  statistics  of,  15 ;  from 
Great  Britain,  17;  from  Germany, 
18  ;  other  countries,  18 ;  for  years 
1887  and  1888,  19;  effect  of,  on 
population,  21-26  ;  effect  of  volun- 
tary emigration,  27 ;  opposed  by 
European  governments,  27;  causes 
of,  30 ;  no  longer  going  among 
strangers,  49 ;  economic  loss  by, 
in;  assisted  emigration,  chapter 
IX,  168-200  ;  from  Switzerland, 
170-171 ;  assisted,  by  British  gov- 
ernment, 173-176;  by  Tuke  Com- 
mittee, 176-180;  Association  for 
State-directed  Emigration,  180- 
185;  prepaid  tickets,  186-193;  cl" 
onies  assist,  193-195 ;  Emigrants' 
Information  Office,  196,  199;  arti- 
ficial stimulus  to,  106;   regulation 


Index. 


311 


of,  205-214;  right  of,  chapter XIII, 
284-302. 

England,  emigration  from,  19 ;  per 
1000  inhabitants,  21 ;  excess  of 
births  over  deaths,  23 ;  importation 
of  Flemish  weavers,  35;  immigra- 
tion into  U.  S.  from,  since  1820, 
67 ;  born  in,  69 ;  paupers  returned 
to,  160.     See  also  Great  Britain. 

English  language,  influence  of,  74. 

Ethnical  composition  of  population 
of  U.  S.,  62. 

Expatriation,  declared  to  be  a  natu- 
ral and  inherent  right,  228 ;  anar- 
chical in  principle,  299. 

Extra-territorial  consular  jurisdic- 
tion in  China,  230. 

Farmers  and  farm  laborers  among 
immigrants,  115. 

Foreigners,  descendants  of,  in  U.  S., 
58 ;  French  decree  in  respect  to,  270. 

Foreign  born,  in  U.  S.,  1880,  68 ;  dis- 
tribution of,  70;  in  cities,  71;  in- 
termarriage among,  76  ;  voting 
population  among,  80 ;  influence 
of  vote,  86 ;  leaders  of  socialism, 
88 ;  in  occupations  in  U.  S.,  94-96, 
125  ;  proportion  among  insane, 
153-155  ;  among  defective  classes, 
150-153.  155-157  :  among  prisoners 
and  convicts,  157;  among  paupers, 
158-161  ;  among  illiterates,  161- 
165. 

Foreign  parentage,  persons  of,  in 
U.  S.,  58,  68;  in  cities  of  Massa- 
chusetts, 71 ;  influence  of  Ameri- 
can life  on  persons  of,  73-76 ;  of 
prisoners  and  convicts,  158 ;  of 
paupers  and  homeless  children, 
159;  of  illiterates,  164. 

France  {and  French),  emigration 
from,  19;  per  1000  inhabitants,  21 ; 
immigration  to  U.  S.  since  1820, 
67;  born  in,  69;  paupers  returned 
to,  160;  decree  in  respect  to  for- 
eigners residing  in,  270;  contracts 
on  public  works  in,  excluding  for- 
eign workmen,  271  n. 


French  Canadians,  naturalization  of, 
80  ;  in  cotton-mills  of  New  Eng- 
land, 127,  130 ;  character  of,  135 ; 
influence  of,  in  New  England,  144 ; 
illiteracy  among,  162-164  ;  social 
influence  of,  166. 

French  philosophy,  influence  of,  228, 
288. 

revolution,  epoch  of,  i,  285,  287- 

295- 

Germany  {and  Germans'),  emigration 
from,  16,  i8  ;  per  1000  inhabitants, 
21-22  ;  excess  of  births  over 
deaths,  23 ;  evasion  of  military 
service,  27,  202 ;  effect  of  emigra- 
tion on  population,  29  ;  age  of  emi- 
grants, 28 ;  emigration  from  Alsace- 
Lorraine,  31 ;  famine  in  1853, 
44;  steamship  fares  from,  47;  emi- 
gration of  families,  50  ;  chil- 
dren among,  51 ;  immigrants  to 
U.  S.  since  1820,  67 ;  proportion 
to  other  nationalities,  67;  persons 
of  German  parentage,  68  ;  born  in, 
69;  distribution  of,  in  U.  S.,  70; 
in  cities,  71 ;  attachment  to  father- 
land, 73 ;  language,  75  ;  intermar- 
riage with  other  nationalities,  76; 
vote  of,  86 ;  in  productive  occupa- 
tions in  U.  S.,  96;  money  brought 
by  emigrants,  99 ;  per  capita  wealth 
in,  loi ;  cost  of  rearing  children, 
104  ;  capitalized  value  of  emigrants, 
III ;  occupations  of  emigrants,  114  ; 
paupers  returned  to,  160 ;  illiteracy 
among,  162;  convicts  from,  172; 
emigration  law,  209;  expulsion  of 
Slavic  population,  270;  conventions 
in  regard  to  German  paupers,  273 ; 
treatment  of  stranger  in  middle 
ages,  285. 

Great  Britain  {and  British),  emi- 
gration from,  16-19;  P^""  1000  in- 
habitants, 21 ;  persons  of  British 
parentage,  68  ;  in  productive  occu- 
pations in  U.  S.,  96 ;  money  sent 
bnck  to,  100;  capitalized  value  of 
emigrants  from,  no;  occupations 


312 


Index. 


of  emigrants,  114  ;  government 
assistance  to  emigration,  173-176 ; 
Emigrants'  Information  Office,  196  ; 
passengers'  acts,  205,  208;  British 
colonies  and  Chinese,  263-265.  See 
also  England,  Ireland  and  Scot- 
land. 

Head-tax,  on  immigrants,  imposed 
by  state  of  New  York,  221 ;  declared 
unconstitutional,  223  ;  imposed  by 
Congress,  224;  by  California  on 
Chinese,  238. 

Holland,  emigration  from,  19;  pau- 
pers returned  to,  160. 

Homeless  children,  in  Massachu- 
setts, 158. 

Huinanity,  demands  of,  301. 

Hungary  {^a7id  Hungarians),  emigra- 
tion from,  19;  small  number  of 
females  among,  50;  in  mines,  127; 
imported  laborers,  131  n. ;  stan- 
dard of  living  of,  134 ;  social  influ- 
ence of,  166.  See  also  Austria- 
Hungary. 

Idiots,  among  foreign  born  in  Massa- 
chusetts, 156. 

Illiteracy,  in  U.  S.,  161 ;  in  Massa- 
chusetts, 162-165. 

Immigrants,  age,  sex  and  occupation 
of,  50 ;  distinction  between,  and 
colonists,  35 ;  descendants  of,  in 
U.  S.,  58  ;  destination  of,  69  ;  money 
brought  by,  97-102  ;  economic 
value  of,  102-111;  age  of,  103;  do 
we  need  the?  113;  occupations  of, 
114;  number  of  laborers  among, 
115;  in  factories,  125-126;  displace 
American  laborers,  127  ;  under 
contract,  129 ;  low  standard  of  liv- 
ing, 131;  treatment  of,  219;  Castle 
Garden,  221;  head-tax  on,  223; 
right  to  expel  pauper,  268-270; 
number  of,  returned  under  act  of 
1882,  275. 

Immigration,  character  of  the  ques- 
tion of,  4;  very  complex  problem, 
9;  method   of   solution,    10;    his- 


tory of,  chapter  III,  33-52;  im- 
portance of,  33  ;  into  U.  S.,  35-43 ; 
statistics  of,  40 ;  causes  of,  43 ;  ef- 
fect of,  on  population,  chapter  IV, 
53-78 ;  represents  an  increase  of 
births,  61 ;  effect  on  ethnical  com- 
position of  population,  62,  65;  po- 
litical effects  of,  chapter  V,  79-92 ; 
economic  gain  by,  chapter  VI,  93- 
122 ;  competition  with  American 
labor,  chapter  VII,  123-146;  of 
skilled  labor,  125 ;  and  a  protec- 
tive tariff,  128 ;  social  effects  of, 
chapter  VIII,  147-167;  assisted, 
193-195;  Chinese,  chapter  XI, 
227-265 ;    restrictions   on,   chapter 

XII,  266-283  ;  methods  of  restrict- 
ing,   278-283;     right    of,    chapter 

XIII,  284-302. 
Immobility  of  labor,  139. 
Increase,  natural,  in  U.  S.,  60. 
Indemnity,  payment   of,  to  Chinese, 

259- 

Industry,  expansion  of,  287. 

Insanity  among  foreign  born,  153. 

International  law,  principles  of,  in 
regard  to  migration,  297. 

Ireland  {and  Irisli),  emigration  from, 
1911.;  per  1000  of  population,  21- 
22;  excess  of  births  over  deaths, 
23 ;  effect  of  emigration  on  popu- 
lation, 24 ;  famine  in,  44 ;  sex  of 
immigrants,  50;  age  of  immigrants, 
51;  immigrants  since  1820,  67;  rel- 
ative number  of,  67;  Irish  parent- 
age, 68 ;  born  in,  69 ;  distribution 
of,  70  ;  in  cities,  71 ;  intermarriage 
with  other  nationalities,  76 ;  natu- 
ralization of,  80;  Irish  vote,  86;  in 
productive  occupations  in  U.  S., 
96;  paupers  in  Massachusetts,  159 
n. ;  paupers  returned  to,  160;  illiter- 
acy among,  163 ;  assisted  emigra- 
tion from,  173,  174,  177. 

Italy  {and  Italians) ,  emigration  from, 
19;  per  1000  inhabitants,  21 ;  sex  of 
immigrants,  50;  immigrants  since 
1820,  67;  relative  number,  67;  in 
cities,   71;    naturalization   of,   80; 


Index. 


313 


money  sent  back,  loi ;  age  of 
emigrants,  115;  contract  labor, 
129-131 ;  social  condition  of,  132- 
134 ;  paupers  returned  to,  160 ; 
illiteracy  among,  162,  164;  induced 
immigration,  191-193 ;  emigration 
law,  210;  residence  of  aliens  in, 
269. 

Know-Nothing  party  in  U.  S.,  81 ; 
spirit  of,  278. 

Labor,  foreign  born,  in  U.  S.,  94 ;  need 
of,  in  former  times,  97 ;  gained  by 
the  U.  S,  102;  unskilled,  among 
immigrants,  115;  unskilled  always 
most  abundant,  118;  no  need  of 
further,  121 ;  competition  with 
American  labor,  chapter  VII,  123- 
146;  displacement  of,  127;  in  the 
British  colonies,  199  n. ;  competi- 
tion of  Chinese,  245-247.  See  Con- 
tract Labor. 

Labor-force,  original,  in  U.  S.,  54. 

Laborers,  benefited  by  competition, 
142;    exclusion   of   Chinese,    255, 

250,  262. 

Land,  supply  of,  in  U.  S.,  56;  simpli- 
fied social  problem,  56. 

La~d>s  regulating  emigration,  209-214. 

Legislation ,  of  U.  S.  in  regard  to  immi- 
gration, 273-277;  should  be  en- 
forced, 279-281 ;  against  Chinese, 

251,  255,  257,  261,  262 ;  of  Califor- 
nia against  Chinese,  238,  240; 
of  France  in  respect  to  foreigners, 
270;  extension  of,  in  regard  to 
immigration,  297. 

Letters  to  friends,  48. 
Loss  by   emigration,  in. 

Manufacturing  industries   of  U.  S., 

foreign  born  in,  95. 
Marriage  of   different    nationalities 

with  each  other,  75. 
Massachusetts,   foreign  born   in,  71 ; 

voting  population,  80;    persons  of 

foreign    parentage    in    cities,    71 ; 

defective   classes,    156;    prisoners 


and  convicts,  157 ;  paupers  and 
homeless  children,  158 ;  illiteracy 
in,  162-165;  unemployed  in,  121. 

Mechanical  and  mining  industries, 
foreign  born  in,  95. 

Mediaroal  restrictions  on  emigration, 
285. 

Migration,  inherent  right  of,  228 ; 
right  of,  284,  288,  290,  296. 

Military  service,  evasion  of,  27 ;  re- 
stricts emigration,  202. 

Miners'  license  tax,  in  California,  239. 

Mixed  races,  theory  of,  77. 

Money  brought  by  immigrants,  97,  98  ; 
sent  back,  99,  loi. 

Municipal  government,  effect  of  im- 
migration on,  87. 

Murders  of  Chinese,  257. 

National  Association  for  State-di- 
rected Emigration,  180-184. 

Natio7iaHty,  of  immigrants,  67;  of 
foreign  born,  68 ;  of  persons  of 
foreign  parentage,  68 ;  in  states, 
70;  in  cities,  71;  in  naturalization, 
80;  in  occupations,  96. 

Natives,  descendants  of,  in  U.  S.,  59. 

Native  born,  voters,  80;  paupers, 
158 ;  illiterates,  162. 

Native  parentage,  prisoners  and  con- 
victs of,  158 ;  paupers  and  home- 
less children,  159 ;  illiterates,  164. 

Natural  right,  of  migration,  228, 
284 ;  doctrine  of,  228,  290. 

Naturalization,  of  different  nationali- 
ties, 80;  law  of  U.  S.,  82;  policy 
of,  84 ;  recent  court  decisions,  85 ; 
of  Chinese,  235. 

Negroes,  in  U.  S.,  64. 

Nervous  diseases,  tendency  of  foreign 
born  to,  155. 

NeTV  England,  French  Canadians  in, 

13s.  144- 
New  y'or/i,  foreign  born  in,  70;  Ital- 
ians in  city,  132 ;  insanity  among 
foreign  born  in,  154 ;  pauperism 
in,  158  ;  pauper  aliens  removed  by 
State  Board  of  Charities,  159; 
legislation  to  protect  immigrants, 


314 


Index. 


220;  Commissioners  of  emigra- 
tion, 220,  222,  225. 
Norway,  emigration  from,  18,  19; 
per  1000  inhabitants,  21 ;  since 
1820,  67;  born  in,  69;  paupers 
returned   to,    160.    See   Scandina- 


Occvpations,  of  immigrants,  51,  72, 
113,  125 ;  of  emigrants  from  Great 
Britain,  114;  from  Germany,  114; 
from  Italy,  115;  unskilled,  117: 
foreign  born  in,  94-96. 

Over-population,  emigration  as  a 
remedy  for,  24,  25. 

Parentage,  persons  of  foreign,  68  ;  of 
prisoners  and  convicts  in  Massa- 
chusetts, 158 ;  of  paupers  and 
homeless  children,  159;  of  illiter- 
ates, 164. 

Passengers'  acts,  British,  205-208 ; 
U.  S.,  216. 

Patriotism,  foundation  of,  5. 

Paupers,  assisted  to  emigrate,  169 ; 
by  Swiss  cantons,  170 ;  by  British 
government,  173 ;  by  Tuke  Com- 
mittee, 176 ;  by  charitable  societies, 
185  ;  removed  by  New  York  State 
Board  of  Charities,  160 ;  by  U.  S., 
275;  expulsion  of,  by  Belgium, 
272 ;  of  foreign  birth  or  parentage, 
158,  159- 

Poles,  character  of  immigrants,  132. 

Political  institutions,  in  America,  4 ; 
effect  of  immigration  on,  6,  chapter 
V,  79-92. 

rights,  exercise  of,  73. 

problems,  in  history,  i. 

Population,  effect  of  emigration  on, 
21,  23;  in  U.  S.  during  colonial 
period,  37  ;  from  1783  to  1820,  39  ; 
effect  of  immigration  on,  chapter 
IV,  53-78;  growth  of,  in  U.  S., 
53;  of  U.  S.  in  1790,  54;  causes 
of  growth  of,  56;  proportion  due 
10  immigrants,  58 ;  ethnical  com- 
position of,  in  U.  S.,  62;  elements 
of,  in   U.   S.,  64 ;    negroes  in,  64 ; 


foreign  element  in,  67;  parentage 
of,  68;  birth-place  of,  68;  fusion 
of,  72;  intermarriage  of,  75;  of 
voting  age,  80. 

Portuguese,  naturalization  of,  80;  il- 
literacy, 162. 

Prisoners  and  convicts  of  foreign 
birth  or  parentage,  157. 

Proletariat,  Marx's  theory  of  an  in- 
dustrial, 121. 

Protecting  the  emigrant,  chapter  X, 
201-226. 

Protective  tariff  and  free  immigration, 
128. 

Protest  of  U.  S.  against  assisted  emi- 
gration, 175, 

Prussia,  emigration  from,  per  1000 
inhabitants,  22,  23,  25. 

Railroads,  effect  of,  in  settling  U.  S., 
57. 

Remittances  by  immigrants  to  friends, 
99,  loi,  187. 

Restriction  on  emigration,  202,  210, 
212;  mediaeval,  285;  right  to  re- 
strict, 296. 

on    immigration,   chapter  XII, 

266-283  ;  right  to  restrict,  296-302. 

Right  of  tnigration,  228,  229,  269, 
284,  290. 

Right  to  control  emigration  and  im- 
migration, chapter  XIII,  284-302. 

Rock  Springs  riots,  257. 

Russia,  emigration  from,  20;  con- 
tract-labor, 131  n. ;  paupers  re- 
turned to,  160. 

Scandinavian,  persons  of,  parentage, 
68  ;  in  Northwest,  146. 

Scotland,  emigration  from,  19;  per 
1000  inhabitants,  21 ;  since  1820, 
67  ;  born  in,  69  ;  paupers  returned 
to,  160. 

Social  effects  of  immigration,  chap- 
ter VIII,  147-167. 

science,  complexity  of,  8. 

Social  traits,  in  America,  effect  of 
immigration  on,  7,  166. 

of  Chinese,  242. 


Index. 


315 


Socialism,  in  U.  S.,  88,  91. 

Societies,  charitable,  assist  emigra- 
tion, 172,  176,  185. 

Sex,  proportion  of,  among  immi- 
grants, 28. 

Skilled  laborers  among  immigrants, 
125. 

Southern  Immigration  Society,  195. 

Sovcreij^aty  of  a  nation  over  its  own 
territory,  300. 

Spain,  emigration  from,  20. 

Standard  of  living,  immigrants  with 
low,  131. 

State,  end  and  purpose  of  the,  3 ; 
duty  of,  292. 

State-directed  emigration,  National 
association  for,  180;  destined  to 
fail  of  its  purpose,  195,  199. 

Statistics,  of  emigration,  15 ;  from 
Great  Britain,  17;  from  Germany, 
iS ;  other  countries,  19;  of  emi- 
gration per  1000  inhabitants,  21 ; 
of  excess  of  births  over  deaths,  23; 
of  immigration  into  U.  S.,  40;  of 
insane,  153 ;  of  defective  classes, 
155  ;  of  criminals,  157  ;  of  pauper- 
ism, 158  ;  of  illiteracy,  161-165  ;  of 
Chinese  immigration,  236. 

Steamships,  sailing  to  New  York,  46; 
agents,  46,  186;  prepaid  tickets, 
188. 

Sweating  system,  in  New  York  and 
London,  136. 

Sweden  {and  Swedes),  emigration 
from,  18,  19;  per  1000  inhabitants, 
21;  since  1820,  67;  born  in,  69; 
contract  labor,  131  n.  ;  paupers 
returned  to,  160;  illiteracy,  162; 
assisted  emigrants,  185.  See  also 
Scandinavians. 

Switzerland,  emigration  from,  20; 
per  1000  inhabitants,  21  ;  since 
1820,  67  ;  paupers  returned  to,  160  ; 
emigration  forbidden,  i58  ;  assisted 
emigration,  170,  171 ;  law  regulat- 
ing emigration,  210-213. 

Transportation,  improved  means  of, 
45-47,  1S6,  205,  216. 


Treaties  with  China,  1844,  229 ;  1858, 
230;  1S68,  231;  1880,  253;  abor- 
tive, 1888,  259. 

Tuke  Committee,  176. 

Unemployed  in  U.  S.,  121 ;  in  Massa- 
chusetts, 121. 

United  States,  The,  statistics  of  im- 
migration into,  16;  history  of  im- 
migration into,  35-52;  population 
in,  during  colonial  period,  37  ;  pop- 
ulation in,  from  1783-1820,  39  ;  im- 
migration into,  since  1820,  40; 
causes  of  immigration  to,  43; 
growth  of  population  in,  53 ;  pop- 
ulation in,  1790,  54;  growth  of  set- 
tled area,  56 ;  railroads,  57  ;  effect 
of  immigration  on  population  of, 
57,  61 ;  proportion  of  natives  and 
foreigners  in,  58;  effect  of  immi- 
gration on  ethnical  composition  of 
population  in,  62;  nationalities  in, 
67 ;  foreign  born  in,  68 ;  foreign 
parentage  in,  68 ;  foreign  born  vot- 
ers in,  80,  86 ;  Know-Nothing  par- 
ty in,  81 ;  naturalization  law,  82-85  '< 
municipal  government  in,  87;  out- 
breaks of  anarchism  and  socialism, 
88  ;  economic  gain  by  immigration, 
94  ff. ;  occupations  in,  94-96  ;  mon- 
ey brought  by  immigrants  to,  97; 
per  capita  wealth  in,  loi ;  labor 
brought  to,  102;  cost  of  bringing 
up  children  in,  105,  106;  occupa- 
tions of  immigrants  to,  113;  need 
for  unskilled  labor  in,  117  ;  the  un- 
employed in,  121;  immigration  of 
skilled  labor,  125 ;  foreign  born  in 
occupations,  126;  contract  labor- 
ers in,  129;  Italians  in,  133;  sweat- 
ing system  in,  136;  French  Cana- 
dians and  Scandinavians  in,  144; 
mortality  statistics  of,  153  ;  insanity 
in,  153;  crime  in,  157;  pauperism, 
158  ;  illiteracy,  161 ;  protest  against 
assisted  einigration,  175;  Passen- 
gers' acts,  216  ;  Chinese  immigra- 
tion, chapter  XI,  227-265;  law  of 
1882  restricting   immigration,  273, 


3i6 


Index. 


274,  280;  law  against  contract  la- 
bor, 276,  281. 

Unskilled  labor,  117;  not  in  right 
place,  119. 

Unrestricted  immigration  defended 
on  economic  grounds,  93 ;  on  hu- 
manitarian grounds,  288. 

Value,  economic,  of  the  immigrant, 
104-111;  of  the  immigrant  to  us, 

113- 
Vote,  foreign,  influence  of,  85. 


J  (?//«^  population  in  Massachusetts, 

80. 

Wages,  capitalized  value  of,  no,  113; 

in   sweating  system,  137 ;  effect  of 

immigration  on,  139. 
Wealth  per  capita  in  Germany  and 

United  States,  loi. 
Well-being,   average,    decreased    by 

immigration,  loi. 
Western  states,  foreign  born   in,  94, 

95- 


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